CHAPTER XIV.

1516-1517.

Proposed alliance of England, Spain, and Austria-Death of Ferdinand of Spain His character-Francis I. forms designs upon the kingdom of Naples The emperor elect, Maximilian, enters Italy in great force-His ineffectual attempt against Milan-Francis I. suspects the pope of having favoured the enterprise-Leo intends to aggrandise his nephew Lorenzo-Excommunicates the duke of Urbino, and expels him from his dominions-Confers the title and authority on Lorenzo-The Venetians recover the city of BresciaVerona successfully defended by Marc-Antonio Colonna Negotiations for the general pacification of Europe-Treaty of Noyou-Leo endeavours to counteract its effects-Treaty of London-Motives of the pope for opposing the pacification-The exiled duke of Urbino recovers his dominions-Leo requires the aid of all Christendom against him-The duke of Urbino challenges his rival Lorenzo to single combat-War of Urbino--The duke resigns his dominions-Conspiracy of Petrucci and other cardinals against the pope Conspirators discovered-Arrest of the cardinal Riario-Several other cardinals confess their guilt-Execution of Petrucci and his subordinate accomplices-Conduct of Leo towards the other conspirators-Observations on this event-Leo creates in one day thirty-one cardinals-Splendour of the Roman See-Leo promotes the happiness of his subjects.

AFTER twenty years of warfare and desolation, Italy began at length to experience some respite from her calamities. The contest was not indeed wholly terminated; but it was chiefly restricted to the Venetian territories, where the senate were struggling to recover from the emperor the important cities of Brescia and Verona, which, by the aid of their successful allies the French, they now expected speedily to accomplish. The conquest of Milan and the progress of the French arms were not, however, regarded with indifference by Ferdinand of Aragon, who was well apprised of the warlike disposition and ambitious designs of Francis I., and fully aware how much the possession of the Milanese might facilitate the success of his hostile attempts against the kingdom of Naples. These apprehensions were increased by the strict alliance Lately formed between Francis and Leo X., the latter of whom,

if he was not become the adversary of Ferdinand, was, at least, no longer his associate in the war; and his neutrality was scarcely less dangerous than his hostility. Induced by these considerations, Ferdinand determined to provide the active sovereign of France with employment in another quarter. To this end he renewed his applications to the emperor Maximilian and to Henry VIII., to join him in a league against France. These propositions were willingly acceded to by Maximilian, who earnestly desired the assistance of the Spaniards in divesting the Venetians of their continental possessions; and were also listened to by Henry VIII., who, notwithstanding his late dissatisfaction with the conduct of his father-in-law, and his treaty with Francis I., had been induced by Wolsey to look with an hostile eye on the proceedings of the French monarch. The motives of this powerful favourite, in thus inciting his sovereign to a new contest, are too obvious to be mistaken. By the aid of Francis I. he had lately obtained the hat of a cardinal; and he well knew that the expected conpensation for this favour was his relinquishing the revenues arising from his bishopric of Tournay, which, in case of hostilities between the two countries, he could still retain. He was therefore indefatigable in forwarding the negotiations with the emperor." The Spanish ambassador, who had of late experienced great neglect in the English court, was again received into favour; and the ancient treaties between Spain and England were revived and confirmed; but whilst the proposed alliance between the three sovereigns was thus on the point of being accomplished, its further progress was prevented by the death of Ferdinand, who, after a lingering illness, and at an advanced age, terminated his mortal carcer on the twenty-third day of January 1516.

The reign of Ferdinand may be considered as having laid the foundation of the power of the Spanish monarchy; and he may justly be regarded, if not as one of the greatest, as one of the most fortunate, sovereigns on historical record. His marriage with Isabella eventually united the people of Castile and of Aragon under one sovereign, and formed them into one powerful nation. To the encouragement which, however tardy and imperfect, was a forded by Ferdinand and his queen to

arms.

Colombus, may be attributed the discovery of the great continent of America; undoubtedly one of the most important events in the history of mankind. The expulsion of the Moors from his dominions is another incident which adds lustre to his reign. By the valour and conduct of his great general, Gonsalvo, he had obtained the peaceful sovereignty of the kingdom of Naples, and thereby restored to the legitimate branch of the house of Aragon their long-asserted rights. The acquisition of Navarre, and the conquest of several important places on the shores of Africa, were also highly honourable to the Spanish These uncommon successes, together with the reputation which Ferdinand had acquired for moderation, prudence, and piety, gave him an extensive influence among the crowned heads of Europe; but notwithstanding these splendid achievements, Ferdinand was himself no hero. Whilst Louis XII. and Francis I., and even the emperor elect, Maximilian, took the field, he was, for the most part, satisfied with acquiring by proxy what they lost in person. Those talents which were dignified by the name of wisdom and prudence would have been better characterised by the appellations of craft, of avarice, and of fraud. His treacherous conduct towards his near relation, Ferdinand, king of Naples, and the young prince of Calabria, his son, leaves a stain on his character which cannot be varnished even by the brilliancy of success. In England his name was odious for breach of faith, and the French had still greater cause to complain of his perfidy. To reproaches of this kind he was himself indifferent and provided he could accomplish his purpose, he rather gloried in his talents than blushed for his crime. To his secretary, Quintana, who informed him that Louis XII. had complained that he had twice deceived him, “The drunkard lies," he exclaimed, “I have cheated him upwards of ten times." The disgrace and infamy of this conduct he endeavoured to cover by pretensions to extraordinary piety, and an invariable obedience to the injunctions of the Roman see. To him is to be referred the introduction into Spain of the horrible tribunal of the Inquisition, which was first intended to compel the Moors and the Jews to enter the pale of the church, but was afterwards extended to all those who presumed to differ in opinion from the infallible doctrines of the holy see. The bigotry of Ferdinand descended

to his successors. After tarnishing the character of Charles V. it was concentrated in that of Philip II., and became the Scourge of Europe during the greater part of the sixteenth century.

The death of Ferdinand of Aragon was an event which had been impatiently waited for by Francis I., who was ambitious of adding the conquest of Naples to that of Milan. During his interview with Leo X. at Bologna, there can be no doubt that this subject had been discussed; nor is it improbable that the pontiff, instead of directly opposing the views of the king, had advised him to postpone any hostile attempts until the death of Ferdinand; an event which, from his advanced age and infirm state of health, it was supposed could not be far distant. Having therefore complied with the advice of the pontiff, Francis might reasonably expect that he would now favour his pretensions; and as he well knew that the archduke Charles was threatened with some impediments in his succession to the crown of Aragon, he conceived that it might not be impracticable, either by negotiation or by force, to deprive him of the dominion of Naples."

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In the midst of these dreams of aggrandisement, Francis was suddenly awakened by the alarm of hostilities on the part of the emperor elect, Maximilian, who seemed at length to have roused himself from his lethargy, and to have formed the resolution of repairing by his own efforts the disasters of his allies. By the seasonable aid of one hundred and twenty thousand crowns, which had been sent to him from Spain shortly before the death of Ferdinand, he was enabled to subsidise a body of fifteen thousand Swiss mercenaries, to which he had united at least an equal number of troops collected from various parts of the Austrian dominions. His preparations were hastened by the critical situation of the cities of Brescia and Verona, in consequence of a body of three thousand men, sent as an escort with supplies for the relief of those garrisons, having been intercepted by the Sieur de Lautrec, the commander of the French troops in the Venetian service, and defeated with great slaughter. With a promptitude which astonished all Europe, Maximilian took the field in person early in the year, and pass

VOL. II.

Ligue de Camb, lib. v. vol. ii. p. 539.
E

*

ing through the Tyrol, arrived at Verona. The united arms of the French and Venetians were unable to oppose his progress; and Lautrec, after having threatened in vain that he would arrest his course, was obliged to relinquish successively the passes of the Mincio, the Oglio, and the Adda, and eventually to take shelter within the walls of Milan.†

This sudden and unexpected alteration in the aspect of public affairs once more awakened in the mind of Leo X. the hopes of a speedy expulsion of the French from Italy; and, notwithstanding his alliance with Francis I., he immediately despatched the cardinal da Bibbiena as his legate to the emperor; at the same time directing his general, Marc-Antonio Colonna, then at the head of a small body of Roman troops, to join the imperial army. The government of Milan had been intrusted by Francis I. to Charles duke of Bourbon, who avowed his resolution of defending the city to the last extremity. With the most vigilant attention he suppressed the symptoms of tumult among the inhabitants; he imprisoned such of them as he suspected of disaffection to his cause; he even set fire to the suburbs of the city, to the great dissatisfaction and injury of the inhabitants, who attributed this measure to the advice of the Venetian Provveditori and the effects of national jealousy; and finally he omitted no measures that were likely to harass the emperor in providing supplies for his numerous troops. The imperial army had now arrived in the vicinity of the city, and was increased by a considerable party of the Milanese exiles. Colonna had possessed himself of Lodi; where, contrary to his intentions, and notwithstanding his precautions, a great number of the French and their adherents were put to the sword; but whilst Maximilian was preparing for the attack of Milan, the arrival at that city of a body of ten thousand Swiss, whom Francis had, in consequence of a recent treaty with the Helvetic states, engaged in his interests, suddenly arrested the prosperous career of the imperial arms, and induced Maximilian to hesitate as to his further proceedings. The mercenary character of the Swiss, if not already sufficiently notorious, was now manifested by their being engaged in nearly equal num

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* Annali d'Ital. vol. x. p. 124.

Ligue de Camb. liv. v.

Guicciard, lib. xii.