powerful consideration which we have to offer to these tribes, as an inducement to relinquish the lands on which they now reside, and to remove to those which are designated. It is not doubted that this arrangement will present considerations of sufficient force to surmount all their prejudices in favor of the soil of their nativity, however strong they may be. Their elders have sufficient intelligence to discern the certain progress of events in the present train, and sufficient virtue, by yielding to momentary sacrifices, to protect their families and posterity from inevitable destruction. They will also perceive, that they may thus attain an elevation to which, as communities, they could not otherwise aspire.

To the United States, the proposed arrangement offers many important advantages, in addition to those which have been already enumerated. By the establishment of such a government over these tribes, with their consent, we become in reality their benefactors. The relation of conflicting interests, which has heretofore existed between them and our frontier settlements, will cease. There will be no more wars between them and the United States. Adopting such a government, their movements will be in harmony with us, and its good effect be felt throughout the whole extent of our territory, to the Pacific. It may fairly be presumed that, through the agency of such a government, the condition of all the tribes inhabiting that vast region may be essentially improved; that permanent peace may be preserved with them, and our commerce be much extended. With a view to this important object, I recommend it to Congress to adopt, by solemn declaration, certain fundamental principles in accord with those above suggested, as the basis of such arrangements as may be entered into with the several tribes, to the strict observance of which, the faith of the nation shall be pledged. I recommend it also to Congress to provide by law for the appointment of a suitable number of commissioners, who shall, under the directions of the president, be authorized to visit and explain to the several tribes, the objects of the government, and to make with them, according to their instructions, such arrangements as shall be best calculated to carry those objects into effect.

A negotiation is now depending with the Creek nation, for the cession of lands held by it, within the limits of Georgia, and with a reasonable prospect of success. It is presumed, however, that the result will not be known during the present session of Congress. To give effect to this negotiation, and to the negotiations which it is proposed to hold with all the other tribes within the limits of the several states and territories, on the principles and for the purposes stated, it is recommended that an adequate appropriation be now made by Congress.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 14, 1825.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :—

I HEREWITH transmit a report from the secretary of war, with a report to him by the chief engineer, of the examination which has been made by the board of engineers for internal improvement, in obedience to their instructions, of the country between the Potomac and Ohio rivers; between the latter and Lake Erie; between the Allegany and Schuylkill

rivers; the Delaware and the Raritan; between Buzzard's and Barnstable bays, and the Narraganset roads and Boston harbor; with explanatory observations on each route. From the view which I have taken of these reports, I contemplate results of incalculable advantage to our Union, because I see in them the most satisfactory proof that certain impediments which had a tendency to embarrass the intercourse between some of its most important sections, may be removed without serious difficulty; and that facilities may be afforded in other quarters, which will have the happiest effect. Of the right in Congress to promote these great results, by the appropriation of the public money, in harmony with the states to be affected by them, having already communicated my sentiments fully, and on mature consideration, I deem it unnecessary to enlarge at this time.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 17, 1825.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :I INVITE the attention of Congress to the peculiar situation of this district, in regard to the exposure of its inhabitants to contagious diseases from abroad; against which it is thought that adequate provisions should now be made. The exposure being common to the whole district, the regulation should apply to the whole; to make which, Congress alone possesses the adequate power. That the regulations should be made by Congress, is the more necessary, from the consideration, that this being the seat of government, its protection against such diseases must form one of its principal objects.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 21, 1825.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :— I TRANSMIT, here with, a report from the secretary of war, with a report to him from the third auditor, of the settlements, in the amount stated, of the claims of the state of Massachusetts, for services rendered by the militia of that state, in the late war, the payment of which has hitherto been prevented by causes which are well known to Congress. Having communicated my sentiments on this subject fully, in a message bearing date on the 23d of February, 1824, it is unnecessary to repeat in detail, here, what I then advanced. By recurring to that message, and to the documents referred to in it, it will be seen that the conduct of the executive of that state, in refusing to place the militia thereof, at that difficult conjuncture, under the direction of the executive of the United States, as he was bound to do by a fair construction of the constitution, and as the other states did, is the great cause to which the difficulty adverted to is to be ascribed. It will also be seen, on a view of those documents, that the executive of the state was warned at the time, if it persevered in the re

fusal, that the consequences which have followed would be inevitable; that the attitude assumed by the state, formed a case which was not contemplated by the existing laws of the United States, relating to the militia services; that the payment of the claims of the state, for such services, could be provided for by Congress only, and by a special law for the purpose. Having made this communication while acting in the department of war, to the governor of Massachusetts, with the sanction and under the direction of my enlightened and virtuous predecessor, it would be improper, in any view which may be taken of the subject, for me to change the ground there assumed, to withdraw this great question from the consideration of Congress, and to act on it myself. Had the executive been in error, it is entitled to censure, making a just allowance for the motive which guided it. If its conduct was correct, the ground then assumed ought to be maintained by it. It belongs to Congress alone to determine this distressing incident on just principles, with a view to the highest interests of our Union.

From the view which I have taken of the subject, I am confirmed in the opinion that Congress should now decide on the claim, and allow to the state such portions thereof as are founded on the principles laid down in the former message. If those principles are correct, as, on great consideration, I am satisfied they are, it appears to me to be just in itself, and of high importance, that the sums which may be due, in conformity therewith, should no longer be withheld from the state.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 26, 1825.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:JUST before the termination of the last session of Congress, an act, entitled, "An act concerning wrecks on the coast of Florida," which then passed, was presented to me, with many others, and approved; and, as I thought, signed; a report to that effect was then made to Congress. It appeared, however, after the adjournment, that the evidence of such approbation had not been attached to it. Whether the act may be consid ered in force, under such circumstances, is a point on which it belongs not to me to decide. To remove all doubts on the subject, I submit to the consideration of Congress, the propriety of passing a declaratory act to that effect.

ADMINISTRATION OF MONROE.

On the fourth of March, 1817, the president elect, James Monroe, accompanied by the vice-president elect, Daniel D. Tompkins, left the residence of the former, attended by a large concourse of citizens on horseback, and marshalled by the gentlemen appointed to that duty, and proceeded to Congress Hall, in Washington city, where the usual ceremonies of inauguration were performed. The ex-president, Mr. Madison, and the judges of the supreme court, were present on the occasion. All entered the chamber of the senate, which body was then in session, and the vice-president took the chair, the oath of office being administered to him, when he delivered a short address.

This ceremony being ended, the senate adjourned, and the president and vice-president, the judges of the supreme court, and the senators present, attended the president to the elevated portico temporarily erected for the occasion, where, in the presence of an immense concourse of citizens and strangers, including the government officers and foreign ministers, he delivered his inaugural address.

Having concluded his address, the oath of office was administered to the president by Chief-Justice Marshall.

The liberal tone of the president's address, and the course of policy indicated by it, gave general satisfaction to citizens of all political opinions, and the commencement of the new administration was hailed as the dawn of an era of good feelings.

The individuals selected by the president to form his cabinet, were all of the republican, or democratic school of politics, and distinguished for their ability as statesmen, in various public stations which they had previously held. John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, was appointed secretary of state, William H. Crawford, of Georgia, secretary of the treasury, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, secretary of war, and William Wirt, of Virginia, attorney-general. The two latter gentlemen were appointed in December, 1817, Mr. Calhoun having been named in place of Governor Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, who declined the offer of head of the war department, which was first offered to him. Benjamin W. Crowninshield, of Massachusetts, was continued as secretary of the navy (which appoint

ment he had received from Mr. Madison) until November 30, 1818, when Smith Thompson, of New York, was appointed in his place. Return Jonathan Meigs, of Ohio, was also continued as postmaster-general (not then a cabinet officer), and held that office from March, 1814, until December, 1823, when John M'Lean, of Ohio, succeeded him. The foregoing were the only changes made by Mr. Monroe in the cabinet or heads of departments, in the eight years of his administration, showing greater permanency and harmony in the affairs of the national government, during that period, than at any other time since the adoption of the federal constitution.

During the late war with Great Britain, a practical opportunity was afforded to the government of the United States to discover the relative importance of the defences erected along the frontier, and the strength and utility of the various fortified places on the Atlantic coast. The frequent and sometimes successful incursions of the late enemy, enforced the necessity of selecting new points for the erection of strong and efficient batteries to protect the country against future invasion; of demolishing such works as were thence found to have been constructed in improper situations; and of concentrating the regular forces at such positions as should render their co-operation speedy and effective.

Impressed with the magnitude of this subject, Mr. Monroe had no sooner passed through the forms of inauguration, than he directed his attention to the means by which to accomplish so desirable an object. A mere theoretical knowledge would be insufficient for the consummation of his views; and, indeed, could not be entirely depended upon. Availing himself, therefore, of the experience acquired before the close of the late contest, he determined to engage in a personal examination of the situa tion, strength, and condition of all the citadels and military posts in the northern and eastern departments of the Union. To the early execution of this intention he was urged, as he himself intimated, by a desire to look into the economical expenditures of the public moneys, which had been liberally appropriated by Congress; to facilitate the completion of these measures; and to ascertain the propriety of adopting plans suggested by the agents employed in the service of fortification.

Taking advantage of a season of comparative leisure, the president left Washington city on the 31st of May, 1817, entered upon his laudable undertaking, and prosecuted his route through all the principal towns and cities which he had marked out for his first tour of observation. Departing from the capital, he passed through Baltimore to the state of Delaware, to the cities of Philadelphia and New York, and the chief towns in Connecticut and Rhode Island, to Boston and other parts of Massachusetts; to the capital and other towns in New Hampshire; and through the province of Maine to Portland. Thence he extended his journey westward through Vermont; inspected the works at Plattsburgh; and passing through the forest to the St. Lawrence, he embarked for Lake Ontario; visited Sack