plaintiff's husband lost his life would in any way illustrate the question as to whether the latter derailment was caused by the negligence of the company's employes in leaving a railroad spike upon the track or caused by a spike which had been placed there intentionally by parties not in the employment of the company for the malicious purpose of causing a wreck."

them in relation to matters of common knowledge and information.

Georgia, F. & A. Ry. Co. v. Sasser, 61 S. E. (Ga.) 505.

Risk in Line of Duty.-As an employe of a railway company does not in Georgia assume risks due to the negligence of his fellow servants, it is his duty to obey his superior, who is the alter ego of the cor

Measure of Damages.-Where the widow sues for damages for the death of her husband by the wrongful act of another, in estimating her pecuniary loss the jury may properly take into consideration her loss of the comfort, protection and society of the husband in the light of all the evidence in the case relating to the character, habits and conduct of the husband as husband, and to the marital relations between the parties at the time of and prior to his death, and they may also consider his services in assisting her in the care of the family, if any; but the widow is not entitled to recover for her mental anxiety or distress over the death of her husband, nor for his mental or physical suffering from the injury. She is also entitled to recover reasonable compensation for the loss of support which her husband was legally bound to give her, based upon his probable future earnings and other acquisitions, and the station or condition in society which he would probably have occupied according to his past history in that respect and his reasonable expectations in the future; his earnings and acquisitions to be estimated upon the basis of deceased's age, health, business capacity, habits, experience, energy, and his present and future prospects for business success at the time of his death, and all these elements to be based upon the probable joint lives of the widow and husband. She is also entitled to compensation for loss of whatever she might reasonably have expected to receive in the way of dower or legacies from her husband's estate in case her life expectancy is greater than his. The sum total of all these elements is to be reduced to a money value, and its present worth to be given as damages. Within these limits the jury exercises a reasonable discretion as to the amount to be awarded, based upon the facts in evidence, and the knowledge and experience possessed by

by such obedience the employe should expose himself to manifest hazard or place himself in a plainly dangerous position.

Loyalty in the service of his employer and forgetfulness of self, where both plainly appear, are not to be imputed as faults to a servant engaged in carrying out the orders of the master, except where it also appears that he was unnecessarily rash and reckless. Whether an employe's seeming negligence is real and he should be held chargeable therewith, or whether such seeming negligence be due to the absorbing nature of his duties, is in every case a question of fact for the jury. Some risk must necessarily be taken in obedience to orders, and mere exposure to an extra hazard under direct orders of a superior will not defeat a recovery. It is the duty of the employer to direct and protect. The duty of the employe is obedience and performance.

Southern Ry. Co. v. Rutledge, 60 S. E. (Ga.) 1011.

Fellow Servants-Operation of Locomotive.One employed as night hostler in a railroad yard charged with the duty, pursuant to the orders of his superior, of turning engines when they come to the yard, seeing that they get fuel, sand and water, and are oiled, wiped and dispatched on the road, is not, while inspecting a switch engine to determine whether it has been properly wiped, engaged in the operation of a locomotive within the statute relating to employes engaged in the work of operating locomotives.

Under Rev. St. 1895, Art. 4560g, providing that persons engaged in the common service of a railroad in the same grade of employment, and doing the same character of work, and working together at the same time and place, and to a common purpose, are fellow servants, and employes not within the provisions are not fellow servants, the night hostler in a railroad yard, charged with the duty, pursuant to the orders of his superior, of inspecting a switch engine to deter

mine whether it has been properly wiped, is not a fellow servant of an employe engaged in putting steam into another switch engine.

Galveston, Houston and Northern Ry. Co. v. Cochran, 109 S. W. (Tex.) 261.

Disobedience of Rules.-Where, in a suit by or in right of a railway employe against the company for personal injuries received through the negligence of fellow servants, the defendant sets up that the employe was at fault, in that he was in disobedience to the rules of the company and also to the instructions of his superior officer, and to sustain this defense the rules and instructions are put in evi

dence, it is the duty of the jury to compare the conduct of the employe with the rules and instructions, and if it appears that a violation of either the rules or the instructions, properly interpreted, was a material contributing cause of the injury, they should find for the defendant. However, rules or instructions which are ambiguous, or which by reason of their generality of statement admit of more than one interpretation in practical application to a given state of facts, are to be construed most strongly against the company and in favor of the employe's blameless

ness.

Georgia, F. & A. Ry. Co. v. Sasser, 61 S. E. (Ga.) 505.

Radical Political and Economic Changes Inevitable.

In Brother Liebengood's article in the June, 1910, issue of the Magazine he mentions the right of recall, initiative and referendum, municipal ownership, etc., and asks how are we to get all this.

As to how we are going to get them would suggest that there is an old saying that "All things come to him who waits." Many who read this have probably heard of the old colored deacon who prayed for the Lord to send him a turkey and, after waiting a day or so, then prayed for the Lord to send him for the turkey, and they had turkey next day.

Now in the first place these things will not solve the problem, though they may help. While I would vote for municipal ownership, still, it leaves a great chance for graft. Of course there is no reason why city light plants, water systems, etc., properly managed should not give as satisfactory service and as cheaply as if privately owned. If this is true of the municipally owned light and water systems it would also be true if the government owned all industries which serve the people as a whole.

Of course the government owns the postal system and it doesn't pay. Why? Well, perhaps I don't know all the "whys," but it is claimed the government pays enough in rental fees every two years to build and equip new mail cars; pays nine cents per pound for every pound of matter hauled, while the express companies get the same service for onehalf cent per pound. Then the salaries of many postal officials are much higher than the same persons could command in equally responsible positions in other occupations.

Government ownership as advocated by some of its votaries would be subject to the same handicap. We are prone to ignore or even deride anyone who departs from established standards. The geographers of Columbus' time were sure he was wrong when he said the earth was round. When Paul told King Agrippa the true story of Christ, Festus said, "Paul, thou art beside thyself; much learning doth make thee mad" (insane).

When our republic was founded there were many honest people who were "sure" it would be a failure; and in fact it wasn't perfect, as changes and improvements were made from time to time, but

this did not prove the principles of a republic were wrong. At the present time there are thousands of people who believe that our political and industrial system must be radically changed in order that many evils that now exist may be overcome, though, of course, in such a radical change many details would be lacking and some mistakes might be made which, however, would not prove the theory wrong.

It seems that if something is not done to better the conditions of the toilers who produce the world's wealth very troublous times are inevitable-possibly revolution. I care not how radical it may seem to others, but I can see nothing wrong in allowing the worker to retain the full product of his labor, at the same time, of course, bearing his share of the necessary expenses of government. Such a system would necessarily make workers of all able-bodied men, while the infirm, etc., would have to be cared for by the government (people).

Yes, Brother Lynch is right when he says it will take more than municipal ownership to solve the problem, though I think Brother Liebengood meant government ownership; but even government ownership, unless made to include the whole means of production and distribution, and managed in the interest of the people, will be no better and perhaps (if possible) worse than the present system. I expect one of the dominant parties to advocate government ownership in some form before long; if so, beware of it.

That some radical changes in our political and industrial system will be made in the near future seems certain, and it is the duty of each of us to study political economy in order that he may be able to vote intelligently for or against any proposed change. Don't be like a rich old farmer I knew in 1896 who said "16 to 1" meant that the silver dollars would be sixteen times as large as at present, therefore he couldn't vote for Bryan.

Study the different party platforms and principles and vote for the one you think is right, even though you have no hopes of winning. I'd rather vote for what I want and not get it than vote for what I don't want and get it. Don't vote a certain way because your "pa" did, for, while he was unquestionably one of the best fellows that ever lived, he was no doubt wrong about many things. Of course I would vote for any needed reform, but making reforms is a good deal like driving the hogs out of the corn in

stead of fixing the fence where they get in, or like a man who would allow a venomous snake to lie around unmolested while doctoring his children time and again for snake bite instead of killing the serpent.

Whether or not a co-operative commonwealth would cure all the existing.evils we cannot tell, but it is a growing movement and we should acquaint ourselves by reading literature on the subject so that we will be sufficiently informed to join the movement if it is right and fight it if it is wrong. You cannot combat anything unless you know something about it. Brother Gow, we would like to hear from you again.

MEMBER 536.

Political Education of the Masses Essential to Their Emancipation.

To me there is no more important subject than that of popular government. The only peaceable method of settling the great evils which now confront us is the ballot. History records instances in which less flagrant efforts to exploit and oppress the masses than those which we are now combatting have been resisted with the musket.

Inasmuch, however, as the masses of the American people are voters, the efforts of all who are interested in their emancipation from the tyranny of special privilege should be directed towards a solidification of their voting strength; and once supreme at the polls it will be a simple matter to bring the various governments, national, state and municipal, under really popular control and operate them for the welfare and happiness of the people rather than for the corrupt enrichment of their exploiters.

I have just finished reading articles in the last issue of the Magazine concerning the establishment therein of a political educational department. This I have advocated amongst our local lodge members fully three years ago, but it would seem as though the average man who earns his bread by the sweat of his brow seems to think that the world outside of the sphere of his own particular and individual responsibilities can wag along without his interference. He seems, in fact, to feel that he should have little, if any, concern about or interest in matters of a public nature, and it is this indifference on the part of the toiling masses

that permits the political bosses and the politicians to run our governments, from Congress to the city council-to dispense privilege to the "select" and in a general way to exploit the man who toils in the interests of the plutocracy.

I consider the political education of the toilers of primary importance. They should all know of and be interested in such developments of our present political system as the Albany, Harrisburg, Pittsburg, Adams County, Ohio, and Vermilion County, Illinois, scandals. They should understand on the one hand what the aims and purposes of such men as Ballinger, Lorimer, Burrows, Bailey, Aldrich, Payne and Cannon are, and on the other what such men as Lafollette, Gore, Owens, Bourne, "Champ" Clark, Murdock, Gaynor, Foss and Woodrow Wilson are fighting for, as well as the late Dolliver, whose memory I venerate. They should so familiarize themselves with all that is going on in the field of politics as to be, every man of them, earnestly opposing men of the class represented by the former and supporting and encouraging all such men as the latter. It is my firm conviction that the great aims of the B. of L. F. and E., as well as the interests of other toilers, would be materially advanced by the continuous and persistent influence of the light that would shine through an educational department in our Magazine-a department wherein all brothers could freely express their views on great public issues and public men.

Cowper says:

"Truths on which depend our main concern,

That 'tis our shame and misery not to learn,

Shine by the side of every path we tread; With such a lustre, he who runs may read."

W. H. MANN, Lodge 142.

food on the table, the pay check, the home and the welfare and happiness of the people. Capitalists know this. They have always been in politics to get something out of it, and it is about time the workers should go into politics to get something out of it.

The working class has two weaponsthe union and the ballot. The union can only carry them part of the way. It cannot lift them out of a class that is dependent upon another class. To abolish classes and the consequent class struggle; to inaugurate the co-operative commonwealth and to open the door of equal opportunity to all requires a fundamental change in the laws governing capital. This can only be brought about by an intelligent use of the ballot.

In some parts of our country the workers have begun to realize these facts, notably in the city of Milwaukee, where they have elected a working class administration. The present administration has been in power less than a year, but has done much in the interest of labor.

The following are advantages now enjoyed by the workers of Milwaukee because they went into politics: No workingman employed by the city in any of its departments receives less than $2 for a day's work of eight hours; former administrations paid $1.75 for a ten-hour day. The union label appears on all city printing. One large printing house came to terms with various unions belonging to the Allied Printing Trades Council, due to the fact that the administration insisted on the union label on all city printing. Raised wages of 132 city employes on the Sixteenth street viaduct from 25 to 50 per cent. and unionized the work. Refused to prosecute strikers who were picketing and secured the settlement of the garment workers' strike to advantage of strikers. Policy inaugurated looking to the elimination of contractors on public work, substituting therefor direct employment. Two days off for policemen each month secured. Administration seek

Since the discussion began in our Magazine relative to the establishment therein of a department for the political education of our members, not one article has as yet appeared in opposition to such a department.

In politics lies the only hope of the working class. Politics deals with the

revenue producing enterprises; municipal water works clears $53,000 per year. Needless "bodyguard" of the mayor put on policeman's regular beat.

City purchasing agent makes estimated saving of $37,440 per year. False weights and measures stopped. Four of the largest commercial concerns in the city arrested and brought to trial. Suit begun to recover $72,000 license fees from a

rade.

The above statements are but a few taken from a report of Carl D. Thompson, city clerk of Milwaukee.

Abe Gordon, national organizer of the United Garment Workers, thanks Emil Seidel, mayor of Milwaukee, for assistance rendered in settling the garment workers' strike in the following language:

"In all my experience during organization work dealing with officials in cities and States I have found no one as sincere in the interest of the working class as Emil Seidel, mayor of Milwaukee."

To prove this statement Brother Gordon calls attention to the conduct of a high police official of Milwaukee, an avowed enemy of the working people, who tried to break the strike in every way possible, in spite of the order issued by Mayor Seidel instructing the police not to interfere with the strikers. Continuing, he says:

"Mayor Seidel not only issued an order against police interference, but kept in touch with me from day to day. Inside of three days we forced the manufacturers to realize that the administration was with us, and they asked for a conference.

"I want to thank the mayor from the bottom of my heart in the name of the United Garment Workers and the strikers at large. I want to congratulate the citizens of Milwaukee on having so sincere a mayor, and only regret that we have not more such men."

The foregoing should show the reader that the Milwaukee administration is with the workers; but the movement which accomplished the election of these men has on its program not only the immediate advantages of labor but the collective ownership of the means of production and distribution and the popular management thereof. When that day comes each worker shall receive the full social value of the product of his toil, and the capitalists who now live in luxury at labor's expense shall have to go to work or starve.

I think it is the duty of every man (especially every union man) to hasten the coming of that day. But, as Brother Liebengood says in the November Maga

and as our Brotherhood stands for all that will better the condition of its members and of labor in general, why not have a department in the Magazine where our political interests and affairs may be discussed. H. B. GRAF, Lodge 375.

Political Education.

Brothers of the old "Tried and True," I have been a constant reader of the Magazine for about six years, and I have wondered if there would ever come a time when the members of our grand old Order would awaken to a realization of the trend of events, and it now seems that there are a few who are about to awake from their lethargy, at least the last few issues of the Magazine indicate as much.

I was delighted with the February number, and especially Brother Smith's article on political education. However, I must take issue with him on some points. First, he says "all they need is a little political education." Now that might do for some, but I am sorry to say the great majority are so far behind the times that it will take some time and hard work to eradicate and dispel the delusions which have been inculcated for the last two thousand years.

I have fought the principle of denying political discussion in our lodge rooms and elsewhere since I have been a member, but have been met with the usual stock phrase, "It will do no good and it is against our constitution to talk politics," and I have about come to the conclusion "Ephraim is joined to his idols; let him alone."

Apathy is the worst difficulty in the way of progress, not only in the B. of L. F. and E. but in all labor organizations. However, we do find some who have nerve enough to assert their rights not only among their fellow workers but when they go to the polls they are not afraid to show to the world where they stand.

Brothers, it has always seemed strange to me why laboring men should not stand together. Are not our interests identical? Are we not all one flesh and blood? Perhaps some of you have been soldiers; if so, let me ask is not the interest of each soldier the interest of all? If the enemy shoots down one man may not all expect the same fate? What good would it do