XXIII. 1779. enemy. tions, in a grand intended expedition. The British government, with CHAP suitable vigilance and activity, prepared to defeat the expected attack. Numerous cruisers were stationed in the channel, to watch the enemy's motions; the militia were embodied; they and the regular troops marched to our southern coasts, and cat tle, horses, and whatever else could be conveniently moved, were, by a proclamation, driven into the interior country. The Loyal and prospect of such danger roused the national spirit; party dis- patriotic spirit and putes were by the bulk of the people for a time forgotten; they efforts of all no longer inquired whether North or Fox would make the ablest parties to minister, but agreed in thinking that Britain, an independent resist the and free state, was happier, than she could be as the dependent province of an arbitrary monarchy. These thoughts, and the consequent sentiments, animated every loyal and patriotic beart. Public bodies and private individuals made voluntary contribu- Voluntary tions to raise men for the defence of their king and country. contribu But our exertions were not confined to defence: while this mighty armament hovered over our coasts, a squadron of ships, under commodore Johnstone, alarmed the opposite shores of France; our cruisers and privateers annoyed the trade of our enemies; our own rich mercantile fleets from the East and West Indies came safe into harbour, while the Bourbon armainent was at sea. The combined host returned to Brest harbour, where the bad state of their ships and sickness of their crews, confined them to port for the rest of the campaign. Thus the approach of this immense equipment, and the threatened invasion, proved mere empty bravadoes. Sir Charles The Briush Hardy continued till the beginning of November, to cruise with feet keeps his fleet. In spite of her combined enemies, Britannia still protects our ruled the waves. The only commercial fleet that was in any irade. danger, owed its peril to a private adventurer. Paul Jones, in the end of July, sailed with a squadron, consisting of a forty gun ship, a frigate of thirty-six and another of thirty-two guns, a brig of twelve guns, and a cutter, from port L'Orient, to intercept our homeward bound fleet from the Baltic. These merchantmen were under the convoy of the Serapis, of fortyfour guns, captain Pierson, and the Countess of Scarborough of twenty guns, captain Percy. On the 23d of September, captain Pierson having discovered the enemy off Scarborough, made signal to the convoy to run ashore as soon as possible; and when near enough to perceive the superior force of the enemy, summoned the other frigate to his side. Jones, trusting to the numbers of his men and guns, offered battle; being within musket shot, he attacked the Serapis, and attempted to board her, but was repulsed. Captain Pierson, after gallantly maintaining the contest for a long time against the two largest ships of the enemy, at length seeing no hopes of success, in mercy to his men struck his colours. Percy with his twenty gun ship, made a no less valiant defence against Jones's frigate of thirty-two, but was compelled to strike. The loss of the the sea, and XXIII. CHAP. British in killed and wounded was great; but that of the enemy much greater. Jones's own ship was so greatly damaged, that she sunk two days afterwards. In this engagement, two 1779. of the king's ships were lost; but their resistance saved the whole convoy, which escaped into different harbours. Investment of Gibraltar. One of the principal objects of Spain was Gibraltar; accordingly preparations were early made for proceeding against that fortress. Aware of the natural strength of the place, of the number and valour of its defenders, lately re-enforced with troops, and supplied with ammunition and stores, the Spaniards saw that a siege would be impracticable, and that the only means of reduction was blockade: they therefore, in July, invested it by sea and land, but made no impression during the first campaign. CHAP. XXIV. Character of a statesman.-General view of Lord North's administration.-Arda ous struggle in which Britain was engaged. Her resources grow from her calls. Her efforts rise with her difficulties.-Meeting of parliament.-The King's speech.-Extraordinary amendment proposed to the address.-Views of opposition.-Plan of systematic attack on ministers, under three general heads -to be respectively carried on under the conduct of Messrs. Burke, Fox, and Dunning-State of Ireland-Alarming associations.-Lord North's plan for affording them satisfaction.-Bills passed for that purpose.-Motions in the house of peers by the duke of Richmond and earl Shelburne respecting the profusion of public money.-Petitions by Yorkshire and London. Mr. Burke urfdertakes the cause of public economy.-Celebrated bill of reform.-Motions respecting the increasing influence of the crown.-Increasing spirit of popular association. Incident which damped that spirit.-Protestant society-extends from Scotland to England.-Lord George Gordon becomes an enthusiast against popery-president of the protestant society.-Petition to parliament for a repeal of the tolerant law-supported by an immense multitude that surround the parliament house.-Firm and manly conduct of the legislature.-Dreadful riots in London.—nuinerous conflagrations—tremendous aspect of the burning metropolis-prisons broken open-bank threatened-attempt to cut the pipes of the new river-military re-enforcements arrive—at length prove victorious→→→ insurrection crushed-tranquillity restored-lond complaints against the lordmayor-Parliament resumes its functions.-Supplies.-Session rises.-Parliament dissolved. CHAP. 1779. AMONG the various considerations that enter into our estimates of the conduct and character of statesmen, there are XXIV. two to which we may safely resort as just tests of executorial ability: the first is general and comprehensive, and depends on Character the principles which direct their thoughts and actions; the se- of a statescond is particular, and modified by the existing case. The for- man. mer of these tests consists in the nature and tendency of the objects pursued, and means employed in the whole system of their policy, according to the fitness of which we are enabled to characterize their administration as a series; the latter, in the nature and tendency of specific ends and measures, which relate merely to the circumstances of the time: according to the choice and adaptation of these, we appreciate any given part of an administration. It would be erroneous and feeble reasoning, to infer, from the want of one species of talent, the absence of every other. There have been ministers, to whose proceedings we could not apply the first of these standards, as they were evidently guided by no fixed principles of political science, and directed to no determinate objects of pursuit, or concerted plan of conduct, whose actions have been isolated experiments for XXIV. 1779. General North's administra tion. Arduous which Bri tain was CHAP. extrication from special difficulties, and not the result of any systematic policy for general security against evil, or for the advancement of good. Though such men could not be consummate statesmen, yet might they exert, in the invention of expedients, very considerable ingenuity. In reviewing the policy of the successive counsellors concerned in our disputes with America, and considering the value of the objects, and the efficacy. of the means, an attempt to discover grand, comprehensive, and beneficially practicable principles and schemes would be vain. Ministers had reasoned and acted as political empirics, and had even evinced themselves deficient in the limited experience to which an empiric trusts. Their proceedings not only proved view of lord them devoid of political wisdom, but of common information; on very obvious cases, which it behoved them to have thoroughly investigated. It is easy to see that combined wisdom and magnanimity might have avoided the American war; by abstaining from imposts less productive, than advantages which were enjoyed before their enactment; by concession, when more profitable than coercion; by voluntary grants, more glorious than attempts to exact; or if conciliatory offers of renewed intercourse availed nothing, by rather totally abandoning the object, than persisting in it through means to which the value of the end was so little proportionate. By not preventing the struggle in American contest, the British government afforded an opportu nity for the Bourbon ambition to bring on the French and Spanish wars; and thus far a retrospect of ministerial conduct justified a conclusion, that their policy was, in its nature, feeble, inconsistent, and unwise, and in its effect prejudicial to the country; but when we trace their counsels and measures after we were actually involved in those evils, we find that it frequently possessed the secondary merit of lessening the evils which had been produced by themselves. In the late campaign, the most threatening which Britain had ever experienced, the preparations of ministers had warded off the dangers: the resistance of Great Britain to a mighty combination, filled European spectaHer resour- tors with astonishment and respect: her resources seemed to grow with her necessities, and in no part of the world was her naval or military glory obscured. If many considered mimisters as the ultimate authors of our miseries, yet not a few of these admitted their recent exertions for defending the country to have been powerful; and in viewing our actual situation, great numbers either overlooked or forgot the cause. Resentment and indignation against our enemies, absorbed all thoughts of the im policy which had enabled their malignity to operate. Patriotism called aloud, Let us punish our foes, and defend ourselves; and prudence said, Reflections on the causes of our state are now too late, our first care ought to be, to discover the means of extrication from our difficulties. Such were the sentiments which prevailed in Britain; and if they implied no strong ap probation of ministers, they contained at least little new repre engaged. çes grow from her alls, and her efforts rise with her difficulties. XXIV. 1779. hension. During the recess of parliament, some partial chan- CHAP. ges took place in the ministry: the earl of Gower, lord president of the council, resigned that high office, and was succeeded by the earl of Bathurst; the earl of Hillsborough was appointed secretary of state for the southern department, in the room of lord Weymouth; lord Stormont for the northern, lately occu pied by lord Suffolk: but the three chief ministers who presided over the treasury, American and naval affairs, continued to hold their offices. Parliament met on the 25th of November. The speech from Meeting of the throne observed, that we were called upon by every prin- parliament: ciple of duty, and every consideration of interest, to exert our united efforts in the support and defence of our country, attacked by an unjust and unprovoked war, and contending with one of the most dangerous confederacies that ever was formed against the crown and people of Great Britain. Here our king presented a description of his subjects, which was applicable to loyal, patriotic, and magnanimous Britons, then, and in all ages. "I know the character of my brave people; the menaces of The king's "their enemies, and the approach of danger, have no other speech. "effect on their minds, but to animate their courage, and to "call forth that national spirit, which has so often checked and "defeated the projects of ambition and injustice, and enabled "the British fleets and armies to protect their country, to vin"dicate their rights, and at the same time to uphold and pre"serve the liberties of Europe." In exhorting his parliament to persevere in such efforts as would maintain the defence and security, and promote the common strength, wealth, and interest of all his dominions, he particularly recommended to their de liberations the state of Ireland. amendment An amendment of a very extraordinary nature was moved Extraordi to the address; its purport was, to contrast the situation of this nary country when his majesty ascended the throne, with its present proposed to state when the twentieth year of his reign had commenced; the address. and in a very copious and minute detail, which included the principal events of the reign, it professed to exhibit the outset, progress, and result, and represented our condition as then prosperous, but now adverse; the prospect as then splendid, but now gloomy; imputing the alleged alteration to a change in the plans of government, it proposed to leave the new, and return to the old system. Presenting to the sovereign a dismal picture of his dominions, it declared that, in the opinion of its proposers, parliament would betray both their king and country, if they did not distinctly state to his majesty, that nothing but new counsels and new counsellors could prevent the consumination of public ruin. In this projected remonstrance, the Views of members of opposition departed from the tone which they had opposition. usually assumed, and demonstrated that they had now framed a much more general plan of operations, than in any of their former hostilities against ministers. They perceived that the |