CHAP. XXX. Administration of lord Shelburne-deficient in strength-State of political parties.-Meeting of parliament.—Unusual length and particularity of his majesty's speech.-Mr. Fox details the reasons of his own resignation.—His party and Lord North's concur in censuring ministers—their attacks indicate a concert of counsels-both reprobate the peace.-Ministers defend the peace as necessary in the exhausted state of our navy, army, and finances—and the terms the best that could be attained.-Famous coalition of lord North and Mr. Fox. The coalition considered relatively to its leaders.—Vote of censure passed against ministers.-Great clamour against the coalition.—Ministers resign. ---Ministerial interregnum.-The coalition come into office.-Duke of Portland first lord of the treasury.-Lord North and Mr. Fox secretaries of state.-Revival of commerce with America.-Mr. William Pitt proposes a specific plan of parliamentary reform.—Motion of the duke of Richmond respecting the great seal-combated by lord Loughborough.-Minute economical regulations.George, prince of Wales-abilities and opening character-a separate esta. blishment appointed for his highness.-India affairs-committee continues its investigations. From the mass of evidence Mr. Dundas exhibits a comprehensive statement of the situation of affairs, and of executorial conduct-proposes a bill for the regulation of British India-for the present postpones his plan.— Indian affairs first displayed the force and extent of Mr. Dundas's talentswhich were before but partially known and comprehended.—Supplies.—New taxes. Internal state of Britain at the peace.-Continental occurrences. XXX. 1783. lord Shel FROM the resignation of Mr. Fox and the adherents of CHAP. the marquis of Rockingham, the classes which, though differing in certain opinions, had coincided in opposition to lord North's ministry, were now conceived to have become inimical parties. Lord Shelburne, the prime minister, was a man of Adminisconsiderable political knowledge, and particularly distinguished tration of for his minute and detailed acquaintance with foreign affairs. burne, He was however, more noted for extent and exactness of intelligence, than for the formation of able and beneficial plans from the result. He was therefore, perhaps, less fitted for the supreme management in so trying and critical a situation, than fer some secondary department, in which, from his abundant stores, he might have supplied materials for the operation of more energetic and less experienced genius. In that view had he continued a member of the cabinet of which Mr. Fox was really the head, there is little doubt Britain would have possessed a ministry that, whatever its character might have been in other respects, at least would not have failed in efficacy. Lord Shelburne had attached himself to the illustrious Chatham, and after his decease was considered as the leader of his friends and connexions, but did not greatly increase the num XXX. 1783. State of political parties. CHAP. ber by his own personal influence. Far from overbearing party by genius like Chatham, he was not like many other ministers propped up by a confederacy. Lord Camden, lord Temple, and Mr. Dunning (now lord Ashburton), joined rather than followed Shelburne; lord Thurlow and Mr. Dundas took the same side, but to support government, more than from any approbation of its present chief minister. Mr. Dundas indeed had taken a grand and comprehensive view both of the country and political characters; reduced to distress by the timidity and weakness of mature years, Britain he conceived must seek restoration from youthful wisdom. He very early supposed Mr. Pitt to be the man who must save his country as prime minister: Mr. Pitt himself was officially joined with lord Shelburne, but appears to have attended to the duties of his own department without entering into any party projects and is deficient intrigues. Neither the number of those who supported the in strength. minister, nor the motives by which some of them were actuated, afforded a probability of permanency to lord Shelburne's adninistration. There were two other parties, both powerful and well compacted. The benevolent disposition and social qualities, the brilliant wit, pleasing humour, and engaging manners of lord North, had co-operated with political motives in attaching great numbers to his person and interests. No man had exerted himself more uniformly and effectually to serve his friends, and though not from all, he from many experienced that gratitude which was so pleasing to his benignant and affectionate heart. His party no longer possessed the masculine force of Thurlow, the close, powerful, and direct efforts of Dundas; nevertheless in lords Stormont and Carlisle, lord Loughborough and lord Mansfield, Messrs. Courtney, Anstruther, Adam, and Eden, and lord North himself, besides many others of respectable talents, he retained a formidable host of political strength. A less numerous, but still stronger and better compacted body, was that which the philosophic genius of Burke guided and instructed, the rapid and powerful energy of Fox invigorated and led: here shone deliberative and judicial eloquence in their most brilliant lustre; here even Messrs. Erskine and Sheridan acted only second parts. There was besides this constellation of talent, the weight and interest af the whig aristocracy. Lord Shelburne was conscious that, without some accession of political strength, he would be incapable of retaining his situation, and despaired of a re-union with those from whom he had so lately separated; he therefore made overtures to the party which he had uniformly opposed. Mr. Pitt candidly bestowed a just tribute of praise on lord North, but declared his determination never to be a member of a ministry in which that statesman should bear a part. It may indeed be fairly inferred from the conduct of Mr. Pitt, that he thought it wiser to stand upon political tahents and character, than to seek the props of coalitions and XXX. 1783. Combinations. The intrinsic strength of lord Shelburne, how- CHAP. ever, was not so great as to preclude the necessity of extrinsic aid; the application therefore in him was commensurate in prudence with the desire of continuance in office, but it proved unavailing. Various reports were now spread concerning the intentions of both the respective parties and individual members, and all eyes were turned to the approaching meeting of parliament, wherein it was expected that the several objects and designs would be unfolded. Unusual On the 5th of December 1782, his majesty opened the ses- Meeting of sion in a speech of very great length, and comprehending an parliament." unusual extent, variety, and particularity of political disquisi- length and tion. The introduction stated, that since the close of the last particulari--session, his majesty had been constantly employed in the carety of the king's and attention which the important and critical conjuncture of speech. affairs required; he had put an end to the prosecution of offensive war in America, and had entered into provisional articles for declaring the colonies independent. "In thus, (his majesty "said) admitting their separation from the crown of these "kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own "to the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my hum❝ble and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that Great Britain may not feel the evils which might result from so great a dis"memberment of the empire, and that America may be free "from those calamities which have formerly proved, in the "mother country, how essential monarchy is to the enjoyment "of constitutional liberty." He went over the principal operations of the campaign, and bestowed the merited praise on the defence of Gibraltar, and other glorious and beneficial efforts. He mentioned the advanced state of the negotiations for peace, at the same time the necessity of being prepared, lest from any unforeseen cause they might be frustrated. To the house of commons he particularized a variety of economical regulations in the expenditure of the army and the civil list, and other reductions: and recommended to parliament an attention to the price of corn, that year unusually high. He extolled the liberality with which the rights and commerce of Ireland had been established, and advised a revision of our whole trading system upon the same comprehensive principles; and, lastly, urged some fundamental regulations of our Asiatic territories. Though no opposition was made to the address in either house, yet severe animadversions were passed upon the speech in both. The recognition of American independence was censured upon two very opposite grounds. By the supporters of lord North it was severely condemned as having done much more than was necessary; and by Mr. Fox's party, as not having done enough. Lord Stormont reprobated an unqualified surrender of the whole, without obtaining a truce, or even a cessation of hostilities, as the price of so lavish a concession. In the most abject and unfortunato reign that Spain ever knew (that of Philip III.), XXX. 1783. Mr. Fox CHAP. the negotiators of that prince retained ten out of seventeen of the revolted provinces, and detached the rest from their alliance with France; yet by Britain the whole had been conceded, without any attempt to procure more favourable terms. Mr. Fox censured ministers for having made the independence of America conditionally to depend on a conclusion of a peace with France, instead of being absolute. A dispute on this subdetails the ject, he informed the house, was one of the reasons which had his late re- compelled him to resign his late office. It had been uniformly his signation; opinion, that the unconditional recognition of independence was the interest of Britain, because such an acknowledgment would dispose America to end the war as speedily as possible, and would tend essentially to accelerate a general peace. Finding himself outvoted in the cabinet on this question, he had thought it his duty to quit his situation. Mr. Fox's explanation of his reasons for retiring from office were by no means satisfactory to the public: it was not considered as the part of a patriot to withdraw himself from the service of his country, merely because a measure proposed by him was not adopted; it was conceived that his extraordinary abilities, employed in the cabinet, might have rendered essential service to his country, whether the recognition of American independence were conditional or absolute. The real motives of his conduct were very generally construed to be dissatisfaction with the appointment of lord Shelburne to that office which he wished to be held by a distinguished member of the whig party. his party and lord North's concur in their at Until the recess, the attention of both houses was chiefly employed in motions for the production of papers respecting the negotiation, which were negatived on the ground of being premature until the treaty should be brought to a close Parliament met after the Christmas holidays, on the 21st of January 1783: the preliminary articles of peace between Great Britain and France having been signed at Versailles, were laid censuring before legislature on the 27th of January, and the 17th of Feb ministers; ruary was appointed for taking them into consideration. Lord North and Mr. Fox had both very frequently censured adminis tration: their animadversions had arisen from professedly dif ferent principles: there had been no appearance of concert either in their attacks upon ministers or any other measures. The discussion of the peace manifested a systematic regularity of procedure, a selection of parts in the debate, and a concur cert of courrence of principles of reasoning and of particular arguments, which were too striking to be the result of accident, and obviboth repro- ously intimating a concert between two parties so long totally inimical to each other. Mr. Thomas Pitt moved an address to his majesty, expressing a high approbation of the peace. Lord John Cavendish, as speaker for the whig party, proposed an amendment, which should contain no opinion on the merit of the peace, but declare their resolution to bestow on it that se rious and full attention which the importance of the subject des tacks indi cate a con sels: bate the peace. CHAP. XXX. 1783. peace as served; but pledge themselves, whatever conclusion they might draw from the investigation of the terms, that they should invariably adhere to the articles which his majesty had stipulated. Lord North moved a second amendment, expressive of the regard due from the nation to the loyalists who had suffered so much in supporting the cause of Great Britain. The ministerial Ministers speakers defended the peace; first, as necessary in the circum- defend the stances of the country; and, secondly, as favourable in point necessary of terms. Our finances, our navy, and our army, they con- in the state tended, were in so deplorable a state as to render the continu- of the army, ance of the war ruinous. To maintain this position respect- finances; navy, and ing pecuniary resources, they entered into a detailed account of incumbrances and expenditure. The national debt, funded and unfunded, amounted to upwards of two hundred and fifty millions. The annual interest, together with the necessary expense of a peace establishment, was fully equal to all the revenue which the people, groaning already under the load of taxes, could afford. Our navy, so far from being adequate to the purposes of offensive competition with the combined fleets of Europe, was scarcely sufficient for effectual defence. Our fleet did not exceed a hundred sail of the line, while the armaments of France, Spain, and Holland, amounted to a hundred and seventy sail of the line. By continuing merely defensive war we could gain nothing, and consequently could not expect by another campaign to obtain a better peace. The army was still more inferior to the armies of our enemies, and totally inadequate to farther contest. These general positions they illustrated by a detailed account of our force in various parts of the world. Our most brilliant successes had been merely defensive, and only enabled us to retard the progress of the enemy. From this view of total inability to engage in another campaign with a prospect of bringing it to a more favourable conclusion, it was argued, that peace, on any terms, would break the powerful confederacy, and give us time to recruit our wasted strength; and therefore was preferable to a continuance of the war. But it was further contended, that the conditions of and the the peace were advantageous. One of the chief objections to be that the treaty was the participation allowed the French in the New- could be foundland fishery; but this, called by opposition a cession, was obtained. by ministers argued to be only the definition and limitation of a right which always had been exercised by Frauce, and formerly, from being indefinite, was the source of perpetual contention. The space to which France was now limited, was very inconsiderable both in extent and productiveness in comparison of the coast which Britain possessed. The islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, ceded to France, were only a restitution of what had belonged to her before the preceding war; and so far were these places from admitting fortifications that could annoy our fishery in a future war, the most skilful engineers had certified, that neither island would admit the constraction terms the best |