pointment of the collectors of taxes, and to limit the grant of the impost to twenty-five years.* Once more Mercer and Arthur Lee renewed their war upon Madison, who in reply made a convincing plea for the necessity of a permanent general revenue. "The purse," repeated Arthur Lee, "ought never to be put in the same hand with the sword. I will be explicit; I would rather see congress a rope of sand than a rod of iron. Virginia ought not to concur in granting to congress a permanent revenue." "If the federal compact is such as has been represented," said Mercer, "I will immediately withdraw from congress, and do everything in my power to destroy its existence." Chafed by these expressions, Gorham of Massachusetts cried out: "The sooner this is known the better, that some of the states may form other confederacies adequate to their safety." + The assiduous labors of congress for two months had failed to devise the means for restoring public credit. In February some of its members thought the time had arrived when order and credit could come, if the army would support its demands by its strength. Robert Morris extorted from congress a removal of the injunction of secrecy on his letter of resignation, and forthwith sent it not only to Washington but to the public press, through which it immediately reached the army. * Gilpin, 314, 347, 348; Elliot, 43, 54. + Gilpin, 357, 511; Elliot, 57. CHAPTER VI. THE AMERICAN ARMY AND ITS CHIEF. MARCH 1783. THE Commander-in-chief suppressed the wish to visit Mount Vernon during the winter, for the army at Newburg was more unquiet that at any former period.* The Massachusetts line formed more than half of it, and so many of the remainder were from other eastern states that he could describe them all as New England men. † He had made the delicate state of affairs "the object of many contemplative hours," and he was aware of the prevailing sentiment that the prospect of compensation for past services would terminate with the war. ‡ men.† Now that peace was at hand, his first act was by a letter to Harrison, then governor of Virginia, to entreat his own state. to enter upon a movement toward a real union. "From the observations I have made in the course of this war-and my intercourse with the states in their united as well as separate capacities has afforded ample opportunities of judging-I am decided in my opinion," such were his words, "that, if the powers of congress are not enlarged and made competent to all general purposes, the blood which has been spilt, the expense that has been incurred, and the distresses which have been felt, will avail nothing; and that the band which holds us together, already too weak, will soon be broken; when anar *Sparks, viii., 355, 369. + Gorham in Gilpin, 315. Elliot, 43. Washington to Joseph Jones. Sparks, viii., 383; and compare Sparks, viii., 456. Washington to Hamilton, 4 March 1783. Sparks, viii., 389, 390. chy and confusion will prevail.* I shall make no apology for the freedom of these sentiments; they proceed from an honest heart; they will at least prove the sincerity of my friendship, as they are altogether undisguised." The governor received this letter as a public appeal, and placed it among the archives of Virginia. Before the officers had taken into consideration the cautious report of their committee to congress, Colonel Walter Stewart, an inspector of troops, coming back from Philadelphia, presented himself at the quarters of Gates as "a kind of agent from the friends of the army in congress;" + and rumors were immediately circulated through the camp that it was universally expected the army would not disband until they had obtained justice; that the public creditors looked up to them for aid, and, if necessary, would even join them in the field; that some members of congress wished the measure might take effect, in order to compel the public, particularly the delinquent states, to do justice. ‡ A plan of action was in the utmost secrecy devised by Gates and those around him. To touch with ability the several chords of feeling which lay slumbering in the army, his aide-de-camp, Major John Armstrong, was selected to draft an address. This was copied, and Colonel Barber, the assistant adjutant-general of the division of Gates, taking care not to be tracked, put it in circulation through the line of every state,* # with a notice for a meeting of the general and field officers on the next day, to consider what measures should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain. "My friends!" so ran the anonymous appeal, "after seven long years your suffering courage has conducted the United States of America through a doubtful and a bloody war; and * Washington to Harrison, 4 March 1783. Maxwell's Virginia Historical Register, vi., 36, 37. + Gates to Armstrong, 22 June 1783. I follow a manuscript copy received from J. K. Armstrong. The letter has been printed in United States Magazine, i., 40. Washington to Joseph Jones, 12 March 1783. Sparks, viii., 393, 394. Washington to Hamilton, 12 March 1783. Hamilton, i., 343. #Gates to Armstrong, 22 June, 1783. Journal of Congress, iv., 208. peace returns to bless-whom? A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services? Or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not lately, in the meek language of humble petitioners, begged from the justice of congress what you could no longer expect from their favor? How have you been answered? Let the letter which you are called to consider to-morrow make reply! "If this be your treatment while the swords you wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect when those very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no mark of military distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars? If you have sense enough to discover and spirit to oppose tyranny, whatever garb it may assume, awake to your situation. If the present moment be lost, your threats hereafter will be as empty as your entreaties now. Appeal from the justice to the fears of government; and suspect the man "—here Washington was pointed at-"who would advise to longer forbear ance."* A copy of the address reached Washington on Tuesday, the eleventh, and the meeting was to take place in the evening of that very day. Resolutions dictated by passion and tending to anarchy, if once adopted, could never be effaced, and might bring ruin on the army and the nation. There was need of instant action, "to arrest the feet that stood wavering on a precipice." To change ill-considered menaces into a legal presentment of grievances, the commander, in general orders, disapproved the anonymous and irregular invitation to a meeting, and at the same time requested all the highest officers and a representation of the rest to assemble at twelve o'clock on the next Saturday to hear the report of the committee which they had sent to congress. "After mature deliberation, they will devise what further measures ought to be adopted to attain the just and important object in view. The senior officer in rank present will preside and report the result of their deliberations to the commander-in-chief." Gates quailed, and the * Journal of Congress, iv., 208. Washington to Hamilton, 12 March 1783. Hamilton, i., 344. gathering for that evening was given up; but under his eye Armstrong prepared a second anonymous address, which, while it professed to consider the general orders of Washington "as giving stability to their resolves," recommended "suspicion" as their "sentinel." During the week, Washington employed himself, with Knox and others whom he could trust, in preparing methods to avert every fatal consequence. At noon on the fifteenth the officers assembled, with Gates in the chair. They were surprised to find that the commanderin-chief was with them. Every eye was fixed on him; and all were mute, awaiting his words.* After an apology to his "brother officers" for his presence, he read his analysis of the anonymous addresses. Their author he praised for his rhetorical skill, but denied the rectitude of his heart, and denounced his scheme as fit to proceed from no one but a British emissary. He thus continued: "As I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, it can scarcely be supposed that I am indifferent to your interests." He proceeded to demonstrate that any attempt to compel an instant compliance with their demands would certainly remove to a still greater distance the attainment of their ends. They must place their reliance on the plighted faith of their country and the purity of the intentions of congress to render them ample justice, though its deliberations, from the difficulty of reconciling different interests, might be slow. "For myself," he said, "so far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe my country and those powers we are bound to respect, you may command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities. "While I give you these assurances, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures which, in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained. Let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard * Shaw to Rev. John Eliot, 27 April 1783. |