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referred the bill from the Senate for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt. The committee recommend the second section of the bill to be struck out, and a clause to be added to this bill, which should conform the laws of the United States, with respect to persons imprisoned for debt, to those of the several States in which actions should be brought.

Mr. NICHOLAS, Chairman of the Committee, said it was desirable, in his opinion, that the section which they had reported should be agreed to, because, when the punishment in the State, where an action might be determined, was heavier or lighter than that of the United States, it occasioned unpleasant comparisons. He thought it was of importance that they should not make the laws of the General Government, in this case, more severe than those of the States. In the State from which he came, a man was liberated by the State laws, upon giving up his property; but it was not the case with respect to the laws of the United States relating to debtors. He wished all possible humanity to be shown to unfortunate debtors, and it was desirable that an uniformity of practice should be established throughout the United States; but, as there was not now time for going fully into the subject, he believed the plan proposed would be the best they could at present adopt. At this time, he said, an arbitrary foreign creditor might confine a citizen of the United States as long as he pleased; he wished this unreasonable power to be done away.

Mr. Cor objected to this new section. There would be some difficulty in learning what the insolvent laws were in the different States. In the State from which he came, he said, they had no insolvent law. A man imprisoned in that State would, therefore, have no remedy. The measure struck him as objectionable on this ground.

Mr. N. SMITH said, he was upon the committee to whom this bill had been referred. The diffi culty mentioned by his colleague [Mr. Corr] had occurred to him. It struck him their laws were insolvent laws. He must own he was not so favorably impressed with the plan proposed as some other gentlemen were, though there were many considerations which would induce him to wish for some regulations of this kind. The Committee had agreed that this report should be laid before the House, where it was expected it would meet with discussion, and be adopted, or not, as should appear best. He had his doubts on the subject; to introduce the laws of the different States into this law, without knowing what their laws were, did not strike him very agreeably. He wished gentlemen from the different States would state what their laws were. If his ideas of the laws of Connecticut were incorrect, he wished them to be set right. The Committee had not much time to consider the subject; but something being necessary to be done, they had agreed to make the report they had made.

Mr. W. LYMAN said, the bill was not particular enough with respect to the amount; it should specify some express sum. By the bill, as it came from the Senate, a creditor was permitted to keep

[MAY, 1796.

a man in prison, though he had no property at all, as long as his enmity towards him would permit him. This was a principle by no means justifiable. Prosecutors in the Federal Courts were mostly foreigners, who had the power of imprisoning our citizens for life, for the crime, perhaps, of being unfortunate. In the State of Massachusetts, he said, they had formerly a law upon a similar principle, but it had been abolished, and a new law had been enacted upon more lenient principles, which had been found very acceptable. He should vote for the report of the committee.

Mr. MURRAY wished to know how far the provision would go. In the State of Maryland, the property of persons who took advantage of the law, was not afterwards liable. He did not much like the connexion made betwixt the laws of the several States and the United States. He thought a uniform system for the whole Union would be far preferable.

Mr. HAVENS said that, in the State of New York, they had various laws in force for the relief of debtors, founded on different principles; by one of them, the debtor was discharged from his debts after giving up his property for the payment of his creditors, provided that such a number of them as held three-fourths of his debts would consent to his discharge in that way. By another law, the debtor was to be liberated from imprisonment on giving up his property, but was not discharged from his debts, and would be liable to execution for the payment of them to be levied on any property that he might afterwards acquire; they had also adopted a third principle, which was, that a person having a family, and not being a freeholder, should not be imprisoned for a debt less than ten pounds in that currency. He doubted how the proposed clause would operate in all these different cases.

Mr. NICHOLAS observed, that, with respect to New York, it would apply to the two last instances. It was not meant to extend to bankrupts; it was meant to substitute a man's property for his body-not where a man was discharged by two-thirds of his creditors, but where he was to give up his body. The gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. N. SMITH] had stated the business very fairly; but he did not think it was taking the State laws in the dark, as there were gentlemen present from every part of the Union, who might reasonably be supposed to be acquainted with their laws on this subject.

Mr. BRADBUDY had no objections to amending the bill from the Senate; but, he said the law ought to be uniform to all the debtors of the United States. Some of the States differed considerably in their regulations on this subject, and therefore he did not think it right to conform the laws of the United States to all their different practices.

Mr. N. SMITH and Mr. BRADBURY-each of them proposed an amendment, which were agreed to.

Mr. DAYTON (the Speaker) approved the object of the bill, which was to render the situation and confinement of debtors less rigorous and oppressive, but he wished a uniform plan to be adopted, which should operate equally throughout all the

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Imprisonment for Debt.

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confessed he was unacquainted with the insolvent laws of any of the States, except Massachusetts and New Hampshire. There were several States whose laws he knew little or nothing of. Perhaps, some of them might favor the debtor to the injury, of the creditor. Until he knew what they were, he felt a difficulty to assent to them. He had another objection to the amendment-he supposed it would not only be adopting the laws at present in existence in the States, but also such as should hereafter be made on the subject of insolvency.

States. As the relief proposed for debtors has taking the State laws in the dark-taking a variimmediate reference to the State laws, the treat-ety of laws which they did not understand. He ment of the same description of debtors held under processes from the Courts of the United States, would be very different in different States. In New Jersey, for instance, they had no existing insolvent law, and, therefore, if the amendments reported by the select committee to the bill from the Senate were adopted, a debtor confined in that State would be left without any, the most distant, hope of relief, and must perish in jail, if he could not pay the debt. He owned that it would meliorate the condition of this unfortunate class of beings, where the State laws were then in force, to which the regulations could attach and apply, With respect to the observations of the gentlebut where that was not the case, as in New Jer-man from Virginia, [Mr. NICHOLAS.] on the subsey, and in two or three other States, their pros-ject of debtors and creditors under the laws of the pects would be more hopeless; for no subsequent United States and individual States, he allowed act of the State could bring them within the bene- they had some weight; but, notwithstanding, he fits of the law of the United States. declared himself unwilling to trust the States to make insolvent laws for the United States. In Vermont, he knew they made insolvent laws for every particular case, and, consequently, if this amendment passed, the United States must be ruled by their irregular proceedings. He did not wish to subject foreigners to the decision of such uncertain laws.

Mr. D. said, it appeared as if gentlemen were inclining to adopt the Committee's amendments, not because they altogether liked them, but merely because they thought them preferable to the Senate's bill; he, however, thought it more practicable, by means of amendments, to conform the latter than the former to the opinion of a majority.

Mr. VENABLE did not know what was the pracMr. GILES would not object to the provision, tice of other States, but, in the State from which because it did not apply to New Jersey; because he came, it would put foreigners only upon the he believed it was the best plan which could be same footing with others. He had not understood adopted at present. In the State which he repre- that the amendment would apply to laws to be sented, there were cases of persons having been hereafter made; if it had that meaning at present, for a long time imprisoned by foreign creditors. he should wish it to undergo an alteration, otherThis provision proposed to give such debtors the wise the States might make laws injurious to the same privileges which they would be entitled to, interests of the United States. Gentlemen preif they had been prosecuted under the State laws. sent, he said, were acquainted with all the State He had now letters which informed him of per-laws. If there was any case in which it would sons being imprisoned for debt, for whom no re-be wrong to adopt any State law in existence, it lief could be afforded. A man put into prison by a British creditor, (betwixt him and whom there might be supposed to be some degree of animosity,) might, by the bill, as sent from the Senate, be kept in close confinement without relief; whilst the citizens of the same State would not have the same power over any of their debtors. This provision went to put both upon the same footing. He hoped it would be agreed to, because, if disagreed to, no other law could be got through this session.

ought to be expressed by those who were acquainted with the circumstance. They ought, he said, either to make a general bankrupt law, or adopt some temporary measure. He thought the amendment should be adopted.

Mr. R. SPRIGG, Jr.. spoke in favor of the amendment. He thought it the best provision that could be made at this late period of the session.

Mr. Corr said, it was extraordinary to him, that when a law was proposed to continue in force an old law, that so very material an alteration should be proposed to be made in it. He believed inconvenience had been experienced under the old law, and this was nearly a copy of it.

Mr. NICHOLAS would submit it to the gentleman from New Jersey, [Mr. DAYTON,] and others, whether the situation of the States would be altered by this law? They certainly would not. It He was somewhat backward, he said, in stating went to conform the law of the United States to his ideas on the subject, because their law ideas those of the States, and not those of the States to were in some degree trammelled by the practice that of the United States. He would ask, if it they had been accustomed to. The old law was was not most important that there should be uni- agreeable to the practice which he had been acformity in the pains, in like cases, in the States customed to; it had been complained of as bearand United States? Or was it right that foreign-ing too hard upon the debtors. Much was said ers should have greater power over our citizens than they have over one another? He believed the only way of reconciling the State and General Governments was the one proposed.

about the hardship of imprisoning debtors. There was certainly no propriety in imprisoning a debtor, except for fraud; no one would be of a contrary opinion. If a man owed a debt, his person Mr. JEREMIAH SMITH said, it had been stated could be identified, but his property could not. as an objection to the amendment, that it was I Any duress you can perform, but attempt to lay

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your hands upon property, and everything is un- those papers from their readers a day longer, and certain. Were it, therefore, only a guard against by this means give an advantage to the evening fraud, it was a desirable thing that a man's per- papers, which might copy whatever was valuable son should be laid hold of. A debtor can be im- from a morning paper, and stand upon the same prisoned at the expense of the creditor. This ground with it when they get to the places to power, he owned, might be abused, from the vio- which they were destined. This motion occalent or base disposition of a creditor, but such in- sioned some debate. It was supported by Messrs. stances would rarely occur. He scarcely ever MURRAY, GILES, and MACON, and opposed by knew an instance of the kind. If, when a credit-Messrs. HARPER, THATCHER, WILLIAMS, KITor threw his debtor into prison, he was extremely TERA, and JACKSON, partly on account of the exenraged and revengeful, after he had pa d the ex-pediency of the clause for the purpose of prepenses of his debtor sometime in prison, he soon serving the papers, and partly that no time might cooled. From this circumstance alone, there was be lost, and by that means endanger the passage little chance of a creditor keeping in prison a of the bill (which contains regulations for many debtor for very long time. As this law had new post roads) this session. been practised upon for three years, without much inconvenience, he was of opinion they had better continue it.

The question on the amendment was put, and carried-42 to 26.

Mr. NICHOLAS moved an amendment, which was agreed to, to allow all prisoners for debt the free use of their prison yards.

The motion was at length negatived, 40 to 34, and the bill was read a third time and passed. It was afterwards sent to the Senate, and, in the course of the sitting, returned from thence, with information that they had postponed the consideration of it till next session of Congress.

MILITARY APPROPRIATIONS.

Mr. W. SMITH, from the Committee of Ways and Means, made a report on a resolution to the following effect:

The Committee rose, and the House took up the consideration of the amendments, which were agreed to, and some additional ones made in the House. The bill afterwards passed, but the Se- "Resolved, That there be appropriated, for the nate returned it with a disagreement to the amend-year 1796, for the Military Establishment, inment, and, on a conference being held, the House cluding the sum already appropriated, dolof Representatives gave up their amendment on lars; for the Naval Department, dollars; account of the admission of an ameliorating pro-and for military pensions dollars, pursuant vision.

WEDNESDAY, May 18.

The bill providing passports for ships and vessels of the United States was read a second time, and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.

The amendments of the Senate to the bill entitled an act for making provision for the payment of certain debts of the United States, were read, and ordered to be committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

Mr. GILES hoped the House would consent to take up the resolution, which he yesterday laid upon the table, relative to a close of the present session. He had conferred with some gentlemen of the Senate upon the subject, and it was their opinion, if Wednesday, the 25th instant, was inserted, instead of Saturday, the 21st, all the business of importance might be got through. He proposed, therefore, to make that alteration. The resolution was agreed to.

POST OFFICES AND POST ROADS. As the bill in addition to an act to establish Post Offices and Post Roads in the United States, was about to be read a third time, Mr. MURRAY proposed to recommit the bill, in order to strike out a clause which would considerably affect the morning papers of this city, as it required that they should be dried before they were sent by post, which (as it would be next to impossible to do it before seven o'clock in the morning, the time at which the papers were to be put into the post office) would have the effect of keeping

to the estimate herewith reported."

The estimate alluded to was made by the Secretary of War, as a substitute for one made last December; the sum necessary for the Military Department, was estimated at 1,441.209 dollars; for military pensions, 111,259, and for the Naval Department, 113,025; making, in the whole, 1,665,193 dollars.

The report, with the papers accompanying it, was ordered to be referred to a Committee of the Whole on Friday.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

On motion of Mr. HARRISON, the House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill regulating Weights and Measures, when Mr. Corr moved to strike out the first section, and spoke against the proposed plan altogether. Mr. HAVENS and Mr. SWANWICK defended it. The motion for striking out was negatived, and the bills agreed to without amendment. It was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.

EXPENSES OF FOREIGN INTERCOURSE.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill making provision for paying the expens s attending intercourse with foreign nations, and for continuing in force an act providing means of intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, for a limited time.

Mr. GALLATIN said he did not know with what sum the blank should be filled. There was a variety of expenses of which they had no estimate.

Mr. W. SMITH observed that it was very uncertain what would he wanted under this head.

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Expense of Foreign Intercourse.

There was the agency of Mr. Bayard, who was now in London on public business, and much would depend upon his expenditures. There were at present 40 or 50,000 dollars unexpended of sums appropriated for foreign intercourse; but it was contemplated by this bill to appropriate that sum a different way. He would therefore move to fill the blank with a sum equal to that, viz: 40,000 dollars.

Mr. GALLATIN did not see any reason for so high a sum. The general foreign expenditure had been 40,000 dollars; but the sum with which this blank was to be filled was merely for extraordinary or contingent expenses, which could not be equal to the whole amount of ordinary foreign expenditure. Under the head of the general foreign intercourse, were included all the foreign ministers. The sum now to be added related to their particular situation. The mission of Mr. Bayard, he believed, was the principal; at least he did not know of any other. He moved to fill the blank with 10,000.

Mr. GILES wished the gentleman who moved to fill the blank with 40,000 dollars, would give the Committee some idea how that sum would be likely to be expended. on account of the mission of Mr. Bayard, he hoped If it was only wanted 10,000 would be enough.

Mr. SWANWICK thought it might be easily conceived how 40,000 dollars would be expended. Mr. Bayard was employed to prosecute the claims of the merchants of this country who had suffered by British spoliations; and every one who had the least idea of the expensiveness of English law courts and lawyers, would readily conceive that 40,000 dollars would soon be expended in that way. This was another consequence of British spoliations!

The question on forty thousand being lostMr. W. SMITH moved to fill the blank with 30,000. He said it was impossible to ascertain with precision what sum would be wanted. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. SWANWICK] had stated that the expenses attending the recovery of the amount of spoliations would be very considerable. He did not think it was right to embarrass the Executive by voting too small a sum; there might be an inconvenience in this, there would be none in voting a larger sum; because, if it was not wanted, they were certain the PRESIDENT would not expend it.

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subject was first proposed, he did not understand it; but he believed it was the intention of Gorecovering the amount of the spoliations comvernment to pay the expenses of the law-suits for mitted upon the property of American merchants. And this, he said, was no more than just; for, if every merchant was under the necessity of prosecuting his own suit, the expense would be enorwould attend to the whole, the expense would mous; but having an agent on the spot who be greatly lessened. Besides, as their property had been illegally taken from them, it was the duty of Government to see them redressed. It was with this view, he believed, that an agent had been sent to London, and if, said he, we cripple him by granting too little money to defray his necessary expenses, he might as well have been kept at home. He should be in favor of $30,000.

ground. Whilst he would have justice done to Mr. WILLIAMS said, they were treading on nice propriated, he would not have too great a sum our merchants, by having a sufficient sum approvided, which might be paid for asserting claims for which there was no ground. If, for contraband goods, and was taken by the British, instance, he said, a vessel were fitted out with suit, which he could not support, to recover his if the owner of that vessel were to commence a property, would it be right that the expense of such a trial should be paid out of the Treasury of the United States? Čertainly not. And if they were to pay the expense of all suits, all who had the least chance of substantiating their claim, would be forward in bringing their suits; and, if the lawyers learnt a very large sum was appropriated for the purpose of paying them, he believed, however large they were to make it, it too much, but he would agree to that sum. would all be swallowed up. He thought $20,000

New York [Mr. WILLIAMS] need not be under Mr. SWANWICK thought the gentleman from any apprehension that the United States would pay the expense of any illegal claims. The Governmental agent would doubtless refuse to prosecute any claim that was dubious. It could not be suspected that money would be expended for such a purpose; but a considerable number of vessels had undergone a kind of mock trial in Bermuda, and were condemned, for which it was Mr. VENABLE did not know upon what princi- carried into Great Britain or elsewhere; but if necessary to seek restitution, as well as for those ple this money was asked for the payment of law-citizens were obliged to prosecute their own suits which might attend the recovery of the claims at their own expense, the expense would, amount of spoliations committed by the British in some cases, come to more than the upon the property of our merchants. know whether it would be proper to pay the ex- may be asked? It was, said Mr. S., because the He did not itself. And why should Government do this, it property pense of any such suits; of those which were merchants had a claim upon the protection of the brought on indefensible ground, it certainly was United States. They had been exposed to great not. If there was any law to direct them on this losses which they had sat quietly under, reposing occasion, he should be glad to know it. from the knowledge he had of the expense of law upon Government to obtain them redress; and, in England, he did not think $30,000 would be sufficient to defray the expense to be incurred; and if they should not appropriate a sufficient sum for the purpose, the merchants would not get sa

Mr. S. SMITH said, there was another expense which had not been mentioned. An agent had been sent to the West Indies to obtain evidence so as to enable Mr. Bayard to appear in the British courts with proper documents. When the

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tisfaction, but would, perhaps, hereafter call upon | Commissioners. If they failed in obtaining rethat House for reimbursement.

Mr. NICHOLAS wished to use caution on this subject. If gentlemen would say how much was wanted, and for what, he could judge of the propriety of the expense; but, without some estimate, he could not say that $10,000 or any other sum was sufficient. He believed it was not the proper time to consider whether the object was a proper one, when they were about to fill up the blank. There might be some objections to the manner of expending this money, but he was not prepared to make them. He believed it was incidental to the Executive business. The subject was uncertain; but, as he wished for an agreement, he proposed to fill up the blank with $20,000.

Mr. KITTERA was in favor of filling the blank with $30,000; not that he thought the United States was bound to make good the losses of our merchants. He believed that gentlemen need not be alarmed about voting too much money on this occasion, as he did not think another Envoy Extraordinary would be sent to Great Britain, and if it was not wanted it would not be expended.

Mr. GILES said, it was the worst reason that could be given for voting a large sum of money, to say, if it was not wanted it would not be expended. If this argument were to have any weight, it would go to give the Executive unlimited power over the Treasury. If it could not be said what the exact amount of the sum now asked for was necessary, he supposed some estimate might be made, so that they should not be under the necessity of giving a vote ad libitum. It appeared to him that the proper Legislative discretion was to come as near as possible to what was necessary. With respect to the reimbursement of the losses of our merchants, that was not the question before them. They had made an election, they had chosen to rely upon Great Britain for redress. He did not believe they would get all they expected, but he wished the experiment to be fairly tried. He did not know that the United States ought to defray the expenses of trials in legal as well as illegal condemnations. It appeared singular that the United States should be called upon to pay the expense of either. If the Treaty meant anything, it meant to make complete recompense, and, therefore, a large sum could not be necessary. He was willing to vote for a proper sum, but he would never agree to allow the Executive uncontrolled power over the Treasury. He was one who was not acquainted with the object of the mission of Mr. Bayard, and, therefore, could not say what sum was proper to be appropriated on this occasion.

Mr. W. LYMAN did not understand what were the duties of Mr. Bayard in London. He did not think the United States ought to pay the expenses attending the law suits instituted to recover the property of our merchants. He conceived that our merchants would first apply to the British Courts of Admiralty for redress, and that if they failed there, they would make application to the

dress, it was said they would ultimately come upon the United States. This was not the time, he said, to determine that question. He could not discover the use of this agent. Individuals who had lost their property, might employ whom they pleased to recover it; but were the United States to pay the expense? He thought not. It appeared to him that the agency of this person was no longer necessary. However, if there could be any information given to show the necessity, and what expense was necessary to be incurred, he could determine; but, at present, he could not.

Mr. VENABLE said, that his objections to the bill did not arise from the amount of money, but because there was no provision made by law which directed such expenses to be borne by Government as are now contemplated. It was a new subject, which must be determined upon by Congress; for it would not come in under the head of foreign intercourse. Had it been determined, he asked, by the Legislature that the proposed expense of prosecutions should be paid by Government? It had not. If an individual had his vessel and cargo unjustly taken by the British, he would recover, as he supposed, both the amount of his goods and cost of prosecuting his claim. This had always been the case; but, if the United States were to pay the expenses of these lawsuits, it ought to be provided for by law. If the expense of the agency alone could be brought forward, he would vote for it, but he could not consent to vote for money, the expenditure of which was not authorized by an act of the Legislature.

Mr. S. SMITH believed gentlemen had forgotten the situation of the United States three years ago. The British Court had issued an order directing the property of neutral Powers to be carried into their ports. In consequence of which order a great number of our vessels were carried into their ports; the masters of which returned home without making any appeal. For each of the owners to prosecute his own appeal, would be an expense equal, perhaps, to his whole loss, as he had known a single law-suit in London cost 1,200 guineas; besides, it was a national question, and Government had properly interfered to relieve our citizens from loss. An agent had been sent to London for the purpose. He would do the business at comparatively a small expense. The United States, he said, owed their citizens protection; and if they did not grant it to them, those who suffered losses should be allowed to make reprisals. When they voted to fill the blank before them with $30,000, they did not say it was to be expended. The Executive would certainly not spend more than necessity required. He hoped, therefore, that the blank would be filled with that sum.

Mr. GILES said, he never was called upon to decide on any question where he had so little information as in the present case. They were without law, and without estimate from the proper department. Gentlemen could not say those

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