Mr. V. A. concluded by observing that he did not, from anything he had said, wish to be considered as an advocate for an Agrarian law. He disavowed any such principle, but did not hesitate to acknowledge himself a friend to equality-at LAND OFFICES NORTHWEST OF THE OHIO. least so far as it respects the rights of individuals— An engrossed bill providing for the sale of the and hoped, that if ever any discrimination between lands of the United States, in the Territory Northdifferent classes of citizens should be thought pro-west of the river Ohio, and above the mouth of per, the poorer and middle class would not be con- Kentucky river, was read the third time, and the sidered the least deserving the care and attention blanks therein filled up. of Government.

ordered to be referred to the Committee of the Whole on Monday. It was in favor of the mea

sure.

The committee appointed to inquire whether the Army had been regularly paid according to law, so as that no part of it had been more than two months in arrears, reported that many had been from four to six months, and some twelve months in arrears of their pay; but that, owing to some regulations having taken place in the War Department, similar failures were not likely in future to take place.

[H. OF R.

to become less energetic in proportion as they be came more rich and powerful? There was no more effectual way of encouraging this corsair, than, after determining to build six frigates, to reduce them to two or three. And what, said he, would the Powers of Europe think of us? That, whilst we were laying the foundations of new cities, and flourishing in every respect beyond calculation, when we were about building a few frigates, we were alarmed at an expense of four hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Will they not say, they are building cities and leaving them defenceless? Indeed there was no security against the bombardment of the new city, or any other of their possessions, whenever an enemy chose to

The order of the day being called for on the consideration of the PRESIDENT's Message, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on that subject; and after debate, the ques-undertake the business, their extensive coast being tion was taken upon the resolutions. [For the proceedings on which, see ante, page 783.]

NAVAL ARMAMENT.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill which originated in the Senate, supplementary to an act, entitled "An act to provide a Naval Armament."

Mr. NICHOLAS called for the reading of a report of a committee of that House on the subject.

It was read accordingly: it recommends that two frigates should be finished, the perishable materials sold, and the rest laid by.

Mr. W. SMITH moved to strike out the first clause of the bill, which provided for the completion of three of the frigates, in order to introduce a clause providing for the finishing of all the frigates.

wholly defenceless. But it was said, what will six frigates do for the defence of their coast and trade? He answered, it would be laying the foundation of a navy, which they could increase as the resources of the country should make it convenient. Though we were apt to speak lightly of our own strength, we were considered as formidable abroad. The question was not, now, whether they should build six frigates; but whether, having begun them, they shall go on to finish them? If the question was on building the frigates, to answer in the negative would not show such weakness, as, in the case of having voted them, now to vote in part their discontinuance. Was this of a piece with the act they passed the other day for the relief and protection of their seamen? Which ever way he considered the subject, whether upon the principles of policy or economy, he could discover no ground for discontinuing the building of any part of the frigates. For, as to economy, if their frigates had been built, he apprehended they should have saved the very large

Mr. SWANWICK was in favor of the motion. He said it was wonderful, that notwithstanding their revenue almost wholly depended upon their commerce, no step had ever yet been taken by Government to guard it against the attacks of foreign-sum which had been paid to Algiers; and the ers; on the contrary, this great source of advantage to this country constantly lay at the mercy of the European Powers. When they considered the great advantages which foreign commerce bestowed upon the nation, and the profits it afforded to individual merchants, mechanics, &c., and indirectly to the agricultural interests, ought they not to afford it every protection in their power? Surely they must conceive that this milch cow of the family, deserved more attention than had ever yet been given to her. With what horror did every description of persons throughout the Union hear of the capture of their fellow-citizens by the Algerines! How great was the effect upon the public mind! Subscriptions were everywhere raised for their relief; the sensibility entered into private families; comedians gave benefit nights to this use, and every possible exertion was made to effect their relief. Was this showing a coldness with respect to commerce, on the part of the people? No. What did the Government do? Finding that money was the only way they had of obtaining a peace with the Dey of Algiers, a peace has been purchased at an enormous price. And would it be prudent in them, immediately after this was effected, to show to the Dey of Algiers their weakness and decrepitude? that they were determined

property in the country, which must be looked upon as in some degree insecure at present, would be made secure from the attacks of any marauding privateer. What was a frigate? Was it not made up of materials of their own growth and manufacture? and did not the building of them employ their own citizens? They sent none of their money abroad to purchase a single article. Very contrary this to paying a million of hard dollars to a foreign Power. The farmer, the merchant, the mechanic, were all benefited by the money expended upon the building of a frigate. Nobody lost anything. But, gentlemen might say, shall we lay new taxes to raise this money? Every one had an idea that money would be wanted for this purpose, and he doubted not it would be cheerfully paid. They could surely borrow money for the purpose of protecting their trade, as well as for the erection of buildings for the Government at the Federal City. But after all, it was said, they should be weak with respect to other Powers. They knew that a certain Power had got a mastery over the sea, owing to her extensive commerce; but though she had hitherto proved an overmatch for any single Power at sea, yet France, Holland, Spain, Sweden, and Denmark, have all of them respectable fleets, which,

though they were not so powerful as the British, they were little in danger from that Power when united. How were the United States situated in this respect? Denmark and Sweden had an armed force; but by their not having any, they had been compelled perhaps to enter into terms which they otherwise might not have thought of. And on this account, he had less fault to find with their negotiators than he otherwise should have; for he did not think that the House had done all they might have done to strengthen the hands of the Executive. A few frigates on their coast might have prevented much of the mischiefs complained of. If they had such on their coast, they would not have heard the other day of a vessel being taken near the New York light-house, or of insignificant privateers sometimes plundering us almost in our own harbors. It might be said, that if their frigates had been out, they might not have prevented the capture; but it is probable, if it had been known that they had frigates on their coast, the attempt would not have been made. But when he considered their defenceless situation, he was not at all surprised at the depredations committed upon their property at sea.

[APRIL, 1796.

he did not see the use of ordering them all to be immediately equipped, when two only could be finished by November. He was in favor of agreeing to the bill from the Senate, in preference to the report of the committee of that House, nearly all the materials being provided or contracted for the whole six frigates; and also because the objection of the committee, founded on the want of means, was done away. The report of the Secretary of War stated that the finishing the two frigates, including the expenditures for materials for the six, would swallow up the whole of the money appropriated; but the bill from the Senate had appropriated the $80,000, which was meant for a provisional equipment of galleys. Those $80,000 would not be sufficient indeed to defray the expense of finishing the additional frigate, but they would go a great way towards it, and it would not be difficult to provide the rest. He hoped therefore they should agree to the bill from the Senate. The committee of the House reported that two frigates only should be at present completed, and the rest suspended; but the Senate have added a third, and that the remainder shall be finished when the price of labor and materials shall be more moderate. What induced the Senate to this alteration was, he believed, information from abroad that no reliance could be placed on a continuance of the peace with Algiers but an equipment of force adequate to meet the force of Algiers. He wished the gentleman from South Carolina would, therefore, withdraw his motion, and agree to the bill sent from the Senate.

Mr. WILLIAMS said it appeared to him that the Naval Armament was first projected on account of the depredations committed upon their ships, and their sailors taken into captivity by the Algerines. He believed the bill would not have passed, had it not been for the clause which went to suspend the operations in case of a peace with Algiers. A peace was now made with Algiers, at the price, he believed, of above a million of dol

Mr. S. said he was not afraid of any fault being found with the expense which would be incurred in finishing the frigates; it was a measure very generally wished to be carried into effect. He hoped, therefore, they should not march retrograde in this business. Gentlemen would recollect that the Constitution contemplated a naval armament in this country; and he did not think they should act up to the spirit of the Constitution, or according to the expectations of foreign nations, or their own citizens, if they neglected this opportunity of laying the foundation of a navy. He had had great pleasure in walking along shore, to hear the remarks of foreigners on the vessels now building, with respect to their construction, the goodness of the materials, &c., but what will they say when instead of proceeding to finish these vessels, the materials are offered at vendue, and the Govern-lars, and an annual payment of twelve thousand ment made to become auctioneers in fact of the materials of the national strength! He concluded by hoping, that whilst they were firm in asserting their rights in their internal concerns, they would not wholly neglect the protection of their exterior commerce, which would amply repay all the care bestowed upon it.

Mr. BOURNE said, it was a condition of the original act authorizing a Naval Armament, that all operations in building the frigates should cease in case of a peace with Algiers. He agreed in opinion with the gentleman who had spoken on the subject, that all the frigates should be finished; but he wished it done in the way proposed by the bill from the Senate, viz: three with all convenient speed, and the remainder when the price of labor and materials shall be of less value. If gentlemen would attend to the report signed by the Purveyor of Public Supplies, the naval architects, &c., which was sent from the War Department to the committee on the subject, they will find that those officers were of opinion that two of the frigates would be finished in November. So that

sequins, which was between twenty-three and twenty-four thousand dollars. Yet, notwithstanding this, gentlemen seem inclined to go on with building the frigates, as if no such peace had taken place. If, indeed, their coffers were full of money, and they did not know what to do with it, this might be done; though, in that case, he should be opposed to the measure, because he believed that if they had a navy they should soon have a war. Two or three days ago, he said, they were discussing the most proper way of raising additional revenue. Some gentlemen proposed direct taxes, others indirect taxes; but the anticipations already become due they were obliged to fix, and they had that most odious thing before them, a stamp act. When he thought of this, he was astonished to think gentlemen should be willing to go into the expense of these frigates, as if their political salvation depended on them. How many frigates had they in the last war? Do not gentlemen remember what became of them? Did they think these the best means of defence for this country? Has not experience shown the reverse? Let them

APRIL, 1796.]

Naval Armament.

[H. or R.

count the number of ships of the European Pow- to find virtue enough in that House to prevent such ers, and say whether six frigates would be of any increase; and when there were many offices to service against them. He thought that letters of give, it begot a system of favoritism, very unfavormarque, or vessels employed in commerce, were able to a free, Republican Government. It was the best fighting ships for them in cases of neces- easier to prevent the passing of an act, than to sity; they were no expense, and answered the repeal it when passed. Why, then, he asked, this purpose much better than frigates. Frigates cost unnecessary expense? There was no occasion vast sums of money, employed a great number of for it; for, if they were sure of being involved in seamen, in time of peace as well as in time of a war next year, he would oppose the building of war, and when they were taken by the enemy frigates. He thought letters of marque, fortificagave them a great accession of strength. Were tions, and floating batteries, were the best defence they to have six frigates at sea, they would soon of this country in our present circumstances. find an enemy, and perhaps be the means of involving the nation in war, when they might otherwise have been at peace. It was not, therefore, prudent to have a Naval Armament, until they could have one that might command respect.

Mr. S. SMITH said, if the question before them was, which was the best kind of defence for this country, he should not agree with the gentleman from New York; but he believed the motion before the committee was for striking out the first The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. SwAN- clause of the bill, for the purpose of leaving it with WICK] had dwelt upon the extent of their com- the PRESIDENT to finish the whole of the frigates. merce; but he would ask that gentleman whether The PRESIDENT informed them, at the opening of six, or thirty-six frigates would be sufficient to the session, and he cordially joined in the opinion, protect their trade? The same gentleman had that the United States progressed in all the useful also mentioned that different Powers in Europe arts, in agriculture, in commerce, and every other combined together; but why mention them? Were valuable acquisition; should they, then, by any those Powers to be compared with the situation of act of theirs, declare that they had not the ability America? It was necessary there to keep up the to furnish six frigates. He hoped that House balance of power; but we were three or four would not consent to throw away the expense thousand miles distant from them, and it was by already incurred in building frigates, not only for no means in point. We were sufficient to ma- the protection of their coast, but for the protection nage our own concerns without European sup- of their property and seamen against the depredaport. The true interests of this country, in his tions of the Algerines and others. The gentleman opinion, were the agricultural, and every thing from New York had said we had paid a very great taken from agriculture to commerce, was taken price for a peace with the Dey of Algiers; but he from the greater and given to the less. If they forgot that there were two other Powers, viz: had not a single ship, he said, they should sell Tunis and Tripoli, with whom no accommodation their produce. No doubt, foreigners, whilst eat- had taken place. He had also forget to say that ing is in fashion, would come to purchase their the peace entered into would not be lasting, if the necessaries of life; all we had to do was to under-frigates were not got in readiness. These facts sell other markets. And he would venture to say, that if they could not support their commerce without a Naval Armament, all the advantages derived from commerce would not pay the expense of it. All the exports of this country, between September 1792 and September 1793, in the Mediterranean, to the Italian States, and Morocco, were to the amount only of between two and three hundred thousand dollars. Were they, he asked, to tax their agriculturists, to pay for frigates to protect a trade like this? Were there no vessels that paid imposts but their own? If they went too far into commerce, it would hurt their true interest, the agriculture of the country. If gentlemen say, having gone so far with the frigates, it was necessary to finish them, he would say Government could never build ships so cheap as individuals. They must establish a Marine Department, something like a War Department. Fix but an office and there will soon be something to do at it. Happily for America, the Constitution directs the Legislature not to appropriate for her Army Establishment only for two years; but for a Naval Armament they might appropriate for any term. At this time, he said, they had no act to establish a navy: he hoped they should If once their fleet began to increase, offices would increase also: and he did not expect 4th CON.-29

have none.

were not to his purpose, but they were necessary to be known in that House. If they were to send three frigates into the Mediterranean, it would convince the Barbary Powers that we were not that insignificant people represented, but that we were ready to chastise them, if they attempted to annoy our vessels in future. The gentleman proposed letters of marque, because they were no expense; but, though they would be no expense to Government, they would be an expense to individuals. And was it the duty of merchants, or of the General Government. to protect the commerce of the United States? He had always understood that when people entered into society they had a right to expect protection, and that allegiance and protection went hand in hand. Did Government refuse its protection to the agricultural interest? Had it not lately cost the Union a million and a half to protect the frontier? And what revenue did the frontier yield? None. But it has been contemplated it will yield much. He believed it would, and it was the duty of Government to protect them; but was it less the duty of Government to protect its commerce? No, certainly not; and they had a right to expect it. The gentleman from New York had also asked, were they to be compared to the petty Powers of Europe? No, they were not; for they, when insulted, armed, and

H. OF R.]

Naval Armament.

[APRIL, 1796.

power of Tunis and Tripoli was inconsiderable. The three frigates to be built by this act would be more than sufficient to combat the power of Tu

determined to have redress, and they got it. The difference was, therefore, not in their favor, nor to their honor. If they had had a navy equal to those Powers, they would not have borne the in-nis and Tripoli, if we could not make peace with sults which had been heaped upon them.

Navies, however, were not under consideration, but-it was their situation with respect to the Barbary States. It was not good policy to put the country to an unreasonable expense; but it was only just that the property of citizens should be protected by sea as well as by land. The gentleman from New York had said, the true interests of the country were the agricultural, and then endeavored to excite jealousies between the two. He said their interests were one, and they equally promoted the prosperity and happiness of the country; without the other, neither could be supported. The gentleman had gone further, and said, whether they had a ship or not, foreigners would come to their country to purchase their produce. He said he was a native citizen, and he looked with pleasure on the exertions of native citizens. Were they (said Mr. S.) to depend upon foreigners alone? If they had done so, what would now have been their situation? Many gentlemen had doubted whether they would have provided ships enough to have carried their own produce; but they had not only built ships to do this, but also to carry merchandise from one part of Europe to another. Should they, then, abandon their commerce? He trusted the opinion expressed by the gentleman from New York would never be the opinion of that House.

them, and would give respect to our flag in the Mediterranean. The Algerines would see we had a naval force, and would be convinced we could increase it if we could not continue truce with them. Hence, as they had made a peace with us on advantageous terms, they would continue it rather than break with us, as it was well known, from the experience of Portugal, that a force equal to four of our largest frigates could keep within the port of Algiers their whole naval force.

With respect to what had fallen from a gentleman from New York, in reference to letters of marque, he did not think it necessary to answer it. Indeed, the gentleman from Maryland had done it so completely it was unnecessary for him to notice his doctrine. As to the trade of the Mediterranean, he believed he knew little about it. He had been assured, from authority which he could not doubt, that if the Mediterranean could be navigated safely, not less than three hundred vessels might be employed in that trade. Indeed, from the information that had come before the committee on the subject, he was convinced that that quarter would prove a profitable market for most of their produce. The fish of New England, tobacco, rice, &c., would find ready sale. Wheat, he believed, was not in great demand. Being convinced of this, the committee were desirous of completing as many frigates as would be neThe gentleman from New York also stated cessary to protect that trade. The money at prewhat was the amount of their trade to the Medi-sent appropriated, he believed, would be sufficient terranean at a certain period. It might be true, to complete the frigates proposed, and it would though it appeared strange to him. But did the remain for them to determine what should be gentleman know that few merchants would risk done with the materials which remain after comtheir vessels into that quarter for fear of the Bar-pleting the frigates intended to be completed. For bary Powers? He knew the Mediterranean well; he had been there, and his mind was scarcely capable of conceiving the great advantages which would arise to this country were the navigation of that sea perfectly safe. It would be greater than all the commerce we now enjoyed. A better price could be got for most of their articles in that quarter than any where else. Would they, then, for the sake of a trifling expense, give this commerce wholly to foreigners? It might suit the gentleman from New York to employ foreigners, but he trusted it would never be agreeable to that House.

He hoped the House would agree to the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina, but if not, to the bill as sent from the Senate.

the present, therefore, he should wish the motion of the gentleman from South Carolina to be disagreed to, and the clause in the bill proposed by the Senate agreed to. It would give him pleasure to see some vessels on their coast to prevent the attacks made upon the property of their merchants; but he did not think the present time the most proper to engage in the business.

When

Mr. W. SMITH did not like the idea contained in the bill, that the building of the frigates should depend altogether upon the price of materials or labor. It carried something rather of a paltry policy with it. The frigates, he said, were either wanted or they were not wanted; if they were wanted, the price of materials or labor should not be an obstruction to their completion; if not wantMr. PARKER was sorry he could not agree withed, they had better be given up at once. the gentleman who made the present motion. He did not think it would be prudent to finish the whole of the frigates at present; it would be an unnecessary waste of money. For, though he should be glad to see the national flag respected, yet he did not see the necessity of proceeding to build more than three vessels at present. A small force, he said, would be equal to the protecting of their trade in the Mediterranean; for, peace having been made with Algiers and Morocco, the

they were about passing the act authorizing the building of these frigates, there was a considerable difference of opinion on the subject, but no one thought six would be too many. For his part, he thought three would be of little use. He thought, if they were to have an armament, they could not have less than six frigates. He believed the passing of the law which authorized the building of the frigates had had a good effect in the Mediterranean, and if they should only complete three of