those posts which will be in the vicinity of the British garrisons.

[APRIL, 1796.

one. He thought there was sufficient energy in the people to support their own Government without the aid of a Military Establishment. And was it to be said, because certain gentlemen were opposed to standing armies, they were also opposed to the Government? He believed that Government would be better without an army, as it was always better for Governments to rest upon the affections of the people than to be supported by terror. He had always opposed the measure, because he thought it would not strengthen its hands. It was an extraordinary thing, because he did this, he was called an enemy to Government.

From every calculation which he had been able to make, he was convinced that 2,500 rank and file would be fully adequate to all the objects for which men under present circumstances could be wanted; but, as we should have about 3,000 men in the field on the first of July next, he had consented, in the select committee, to the number mentioned in the report. Three thousand men were nearly equal to the number which had composed our real military force through the course of the Indian war. They were not, therefore, about to reduce our army, but to consoli-He could not forbear making these remarks, as he

date it.

thought they were called for. He should vote in favor of a reduction of the Military Establishment.

With respect to the organization, he believed that most gentlemen, who had any military knowledge, would be of opinion that when troops Mr. MURRAY could see no analogy between the were to be detached in the manner our small ar-energy of Government referred to by the member my must be, in small parties to a great number of last up, and that referred to by the gentleman posts, where their duty would be almost altogether from Pennsylvania, [Mr. HARTLEY.] It was garrison duty, that neither cavalry, which was very meant for certain ends. It was not meant to coexpensive, grenadiers, light infantry, or riflemen, erce the people of the United States, but the enewould be either necessary or proper; but that the mies of the United States. What sort of temper establishment, as reported, should be composed of must the gentleman possess to wrest the gentlethe regiments of artillery and engineers, as al- man's meaning so much? What connexion was ready established by law, which was to consist of there between the energy of Government and the very near one thousand men, and four small regi- military? Had the army ever been called upon ments, of about five hundred men each; each re- to coerce the people of the United States? The giment to be composed of eight companies of in- militia had, indeed, been called in to quell the fantry. He thought it was necessary that there late insurrection. should be a large proportion of officers, on account of the detached situation of the troops, and that, by having small regiments fully officered, that object would be obtained. Upon the whole, he was clearly of opinion that the report now under consideration was well calculated for the in-wished to coerce the people of the United States. terest of the United States.

The energy of the army was employed to guard their frontier. It was an energy appropriate to that particular object. But the gentleman from Virginia spoke as if he would have the people believe that there were men in that House who

Neither he, nor any man with whom he acted, he Mr. HARTLEY said, he did not acquiesce in the would venture to assert, ever entertained such an principle of this business. He did not think it idea; and it was not fitting that such a doctrine prudent to go into any alteration in their Military should go abroad without being exposed. For, Establishment. He did not agree with the com- said Mr. M., you may rail at Government, and mittee that there had been a change of circum- pour out abuse against it as long as you please, stances. There was a power in the PRESIDENT but once communicate an idea that there was a to make any alterations he might deem necessary. party in that House who were suspected of an inBut he thought those who were friends to the tention of coercing the people by an established Constitution and Government ought not to vote military force or standing army, and you make for the report. He did not agree with the gentle-it the duty of the people to overset the Governman from Massachusetts, [Mr. DEARBORN,] that there was no necessity for infantry and grenadiers. It was changing every thing without the support of experience for the change. At this time, before the Treaty with Great Britain was carried into effect, it was not proper to make this change. He hoped there would not be a majority in that Committee to make the proposed alteration. He wished the subject might have been determined late in the session.

Mr. GILES was in favor of the report of the committee. There had been different opinions held in that House with respect to the energy of Government. It was the opinion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. HARTLEY] that a large Military Establishment was necessary for the support of Government. This Government said Mr. G., was never thought to be a coercive

ment if that party prevail. At present, he said, while the United States stand on a middle ground, on which the dispute on the execution or inexecution of the Treaty placed them, it was, in his opinion, highly impolític to give up any part of the Military Establishment. The people look forward to the first of June for the delivery of the Western posts. This public expectation may be gratified if we are wise; if we are weak enough to reject the Treaty expressly, it will be defeated. Where are we in that state of things? Policy would not dictate a reduction of force in that state of things.

But, he observed, if the army is considered in relation to the Peace Establishment, we ought not to reduce it. By the delivery of those longcontested posts the sphere of protection is to be enlarged. You come to a state of wider or close

APRIL, 1796.]

Military Establishment.

[H. OF R.

contact with nations, who are scarcely suscepti-out. It was said that it was not yet known what ble, from their state of savageness, of the confi- may be done in this House with respect to the dential relations of lasting peace; no such thing British Treaty. What was this idea calculated is to be anticipated. Your peace with such to produce? That if the House of Representanations touching your borders, through an almost tives did not carry the British Treaty into effect, immeasurable frontier, is but an armed neutrality, war was in some de ree connected with the event. an armed peace, a state of perpetual vigilance, As to himself, he had no such fears; and, in his and your force must be adequate in many relative opinion, the present question was merely a money points to sudden war. For his own part, resid- bill. If there was no occasion for five thousand ing as he did beyond the reach of Indian wars, no- men, it was better that they should only have thing but a principle of justice to the whole three, because it would save money. The saving Union would lead him to wish to see an armed of expense would be near $600,000 a year, an obforce, at the public expense, upon the frontier.ject of first importance, in the present situation of He would repeat, that the idea which the gentle- the finances of the United States. man threw out, that a party in this Government wished to coerce the freemen by a standing army, was an empty dream, which he did not think that gentleman himself believed. That an army of five or six thousand men, acting in so remote a scene, and never heard of but in the victories they gain over the external enemies of the country, should prove a source of alarm to such a nation as this, so armed as they are, so free, so spirited, and enlightened, and that nation, too, of at least five millions of souls, appeared to him to be too ridiculous to be sustained against one moment's thought. That the doctrine which the gentleman talked of should have been the intention of any party, was, to him, equally extraordinary and unwarranted.

Mr. HARTLEY said, he did not expect his words would have been wrested for the purpose they had been used. His conduct would speak for him. He had fought in the cause of liberty and his country. He would not call himself a Democrat, nor an Aristocrat, but a Republican. Different members in that House held different opinions, though he hoped all meant well. He thought there was no necessity for pressing this business for a few days; he apprehended they were in a very critical situation.

money. It was said, on a late occasion, this can be spared from the Military Establishment; but when they came to consider the subject, they were told it was not proper to reduce it. It was said this was a critical moment. This was an old cry. They had heretofore made appropriations for six thousand men, though three thousand only had been kept up. The present regulation, therefore, only went to prevent improper appropriations, and not to decrease the real number of men. He did not see that the present question had any relation to Democrats or Aristocrats. It was necessary they should have an eye to the expending of the public money, and if six or eight thousand dollars could be saved in the expenditure on this head, it was desirable.

Mr. VENABLE thought the present measure a very proper one; it took away the necessity of appropriating double the quantity of money necessary. Was it the intention of the gentlemen to set up a Military Establishment? If so, it would Mr. GALLATIN agreed with the gentleman last be well to say so. It was a consideration whether up, that there was no connexion between a stand-they ought to make unnecessary appropriations of ing army and the support of the Constitution and Government; and, therefore, he was surprised to hear his colleague say, "that every friend to the Government and Constitution ought to vote against the reduction of the Military Establishment." He was not afraid of the army. He did not think that that army was either necessary for the support of Government or dangerous to the liberties of the people. He should not have risen had it not been for what had fallen from the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. MURRAY] with respect to the frontiers. When the Military Establishment was raised to its present amount, it was on account of an Indian war. That war was now at an end. But that gentleman says the Military Establishment was necessary to guard the frontier. From 1783 to 1791 what were the troops on the frontiers? Very few; yet the frontier was as effectually protected as now. But a regular war had been determined upon, which, in his opinion, was not necessary for the protection and security of the frontier. Their defence would at all times depend more on the population and the inhabitants themselves than on a regular army. Peace, however, was now made, and, although it would not, perhaps, altogether prevent Indian depredations, a Peace Establishment was now sufficient.

With respect to the posts now in the hands of the British, it was of no consequence whether the men were placed in them, or in those of this side of them. But the number of troops now to be kept was nearly the same that they had had for some time past. There was another idea held

Mr. CRABB hoped the resolution would be agreed to. It was not two years since six thousand men were deemed necessary under the pressure of Indian wars; and if that number was sufficient to carry on war, it was not surely necessary to have an equal number in peace. At the opening of the session the PRESIDENT told them they were at peace with all the world; they knew also that they had paid a certain price for peace; why, then, keep up the same number of men still? Would not gentlemen who were friendly to an increase of the Military Establishment, say, in case of any emergency or future Indian war: "We kept up such a number in time of peace, we must now increase them; and when that is closed we must continue them :" and so they might be drawn on by degrees to a large standing army. They were told that a standing army in time of peace of five

or six thousand men could be of no consequence; nothing dangerous to liberty could be apprehended from them. But, because he was not afraid of a dozen servants about his house, was he to keep them when he had no occasion for them? Was this economy? So with respect to the military. For, though that House or the country would never be afraid of a Military Establishment much more numerous than the one proposed, yet it ought to be as small as possible to answer the public objects. Both economy and policy supported this principle. They knew that most of the Powers of Europe had been led into slavery by standing armies. He hoped they should never pay men when they did not want them. They were told their situation was critical; and Treaties were improperly dragged into view. He did not think the Military Establishment had any connexion with the Treaties now before them. If they were to be involved in war, they had, he trusted, much better and more substantial resources than the present army, and that the same spirit which conducted them to honor and victory heretofore would not forsake them on any future occasion. He therefore hoped the proposed reduction in the military would take place.

[APRIL, 1796.

which militia could not be called. He did not think three thousand would be too many. Their times would be expiring by degrees, and therefore a less number would not be sufficient. If the proposal had been for keeping up a skeleton of an army, he would not have voted for it.

Mr. GILES said it was well known that gentlemen had been called by unusual epithets, and insinuations had been thrown out that they had some designs upon Government. He always felt such insinuations too contemptible for his notice; but when they were reported in that House it became necessary to take some notice of them. It was with that view that he got up to deny the insinuation thrown out by a gentleman in the course of the debate. It had been remarked that it was improper to have been introduced. He thought it right to speak his sentiments in his place, in a style and manner which could not be mistaken. There was a difference of opinion in that House on Military Establishments. Various questions on that subject had been brought forward in that House, and various attempts made to increase it. At present it was the object of some gentlemen to keep up six thousand men. Their argument was, that that House might do something which Mr. HOLLAND wished to know what necessity would make these men necessary. Although, he there was for keeping up so many men as were said, six thousand men could not be looked upon proposed by the report. It was necessary for as dangerous to the country, yet the very idea of gentlemen who wished to have the large esta- a Military Establishment was to him a disagreeblishment kept up, to show the necessity for the able thing. It naturally created patronage and smaller. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. expense, and it became them to have as little of SEDGWICK] said, if the posts were given up they either as possible. With respect to the gentlemust be garrisoned. He understood that the keep man's girding on his sword in the time of necessiing of those posts by the British occasioned a ty, it was honorable to him, and he doubted not greater number of men to be kept up, as it was he was, as he said, a friend of liberty. He remarksuspected they incited the Indians to commit de-ed that he honored the gentleman for his patriotic predations. The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. MURRAY] said the same thing. If they intended to follow the example of Great Britain, it would be proper to increase their Military Establishments; but it did not agree with the spirit of their Constitution to do so. It was an extraordinary circumstance, he said, that though the army was said to be wanted for the frontier, gentlemen from that quarter wish to reduce the Establishment, whilst gentlemen from the seaports, where no danger can be apprehended, wish to increase it. On the frontier, he believed, Military Establishments were looked upon as nuisances in time of peace.

Mr. FINDLEY said, in every stage of the Military Establishment, he had been in favor of it. An attempt was made last session to lessen it, which he opposed; but he saw no reason now against making the proposed reduction, and he should therefore vote for it. The object, he said, was to new-model it, and keep up nearly the same force. The misfortune was, that they had heretofore had the name without the number. If the number had been sufficient for war, they would certainly be so for peace. The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. HOLLAND] seemed to think there was no occasion for so many men. He did not appear to be acquainted with the frontier. They would be employed in the forts. This was a service to

exertions during the late war. He himself was also a friend of liberty, but they seemed to differ somewhat in their opinions about supporting and preserving it. He did not think an army necessary to regulate that liberty. He should advocate such means as he thought best calculated to that end, but he did not believe that either standing armies or an unnecessary connexion with Great Britain would be favorable to liberty.

It had been said the chief destination of these men was the frontier. Against whom? Not the Indians; because they were at peace with them; therefore, that object did not exist. It was his opinion that there would be continual depredation; but there was no occasion for large armies to prevent them. The resolution did not go to lessen the real number. Heretofore they had, it was true, six thousand men on paper, but only three thousand in the field. It was his opinion that even this number was not necessary, but he saw it was the general opinion, and therefore he would agree to it.

Upon the whole, he believed it was advisable to have the paper establishment to correspond with the real as nearly as possible; for, although only three thousand men, there was seldom any surplus of money from the appropriation for the six thousand. He was very unwilling to go upon subjects of alarm; it was unnecessary to

APRIL, 1796.]

Debt due Bank of the United States.

say there were some motives for alarm. It was his wish, and had always been his conduct, to make peace as much as possible. He could never, however, sit still, when an army was called the energy of Government. If gentlemen examined the Journals, they would find many propositions for increasing the Army Establishment, which had always been negatived.

[H. of R.

Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in pursuant to the said resolutions, and that Mr. SHERBURNE, Mr. COIT, and Mr. SWANWICK, do prepare and bring in the same.

DEBT DUE BANK UNITED STATES.

Mr. W. SMITH called for the order of the day on the bill providing for payment, in part, of the Mr. HILLHOUSE hoped the resolution would be Debt due to the Bank of the United States, which, agreed to. He thought there was no occasion for after some objections from Mr. GALLATIN, against a greater number of men than it expressed. He taking the subject up at so late an hour, as the believed that gentlemen were correct when they debate would probably be long, the House dividstated, that though six thousand men were appro-ed, and the question for taking it up was carried priated for, that only three thousand were in ser- by a small majority. vice. But appropriation, as had been before stated, did not make money flow into the Treasury. He did not think, as had been insinuated, that any part of the money was improperly expended. Mr. HARPER was of opinion that three thousand | men were sufficient for a Peace Establishment, and would therefore vote for the resolution.

The first resolution was agreed to, and the second and third, after some few observations on the propriety of introducing a Major General in addition, or instead, of a Brigadier General, which was proposed by Mr. BOURNE, and opposed by Mr. DEARBORN and Mr. DAYTON, were also agreed to. The Committee reported the resolutions, and the House took up, and went through them, and ordered a bill to be brought in.

REVENUE SERVICE.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the petition of Hopley Yeaton and others, which, having gone through, the House agreed to, as follows:

Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for raising the wages of the officers and men employed on board the revenue cutters.

Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for a distribution of the fines, penalties, and forfeitures, incurred under the impost laws, and recovered in consequence of information given by officers on board any of the revenue cutters, among all the officers of such cutters; and that, in such cases, the distribution shall be one-third to the United States; one-third to the officers of customs, in manner as is now provided, relative to that part of the forfeitures they are entitled to; and one-third to the officers of such cutter, to be divided among them in proportion to their pay.

|

Mr. GALLATIN said, the substance of this bill depended upon filling up the blank, and therefore he hoped the blanks would be filled up in a Committee of the Whole. For this purpose, he moved to fill up the blank with $1,200,000. He did not expect the subject to have been taken up to-day, and therefore he had not with him some calculations which he meant to introduce on the subject. But, as he did not expect the question would be taken, he would take occasion to speak of them to-morrow. Mr. G. then went into his reasons for wishing the blank to be filled up with $1,200,000, instead of $5,000,000.

Mr. W. SMITH said, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. GALLATIN] wished the blank to be filled up with $1,200,000, instead of $5,000,000. The gentleman did not deny that the United States owed the Bank that sum, nor did he propose any means of paying it. Mr. S. conceived that, whenever the public owed a sum of money, it was their duty to discharge it in money, or to give in lieu something which would enable the creditor to procure the money. The Bank had called upon Government for the money they owed to it. The Bank had made considerable advances to Government, and they could not carry on their necessary operations, except they were paid the five millions now proposed to be funded; the Government owed them more than six millions, but it was proposed to fund only five. But the gentleman says, he is for paying only $1,200,000, because, next year, they will probably be able to pay more. It was said that the Secretary of the Treasury did not expect, at the opening of the session, that this Debt was to be funded, but that it was to remain on the footing of the customary anticipations. Mr. S. referred to a late report of the Secretary of the Treasury, (which he read) wherein he states poResolved, That the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED sitively that it will be necessary to fund all the STATES be empowered to cause new revenue cut-anticipations due to the Bank, as there were no ters to be built or purchased, in lieu of those which shall, from time to time, appear to be unfit for further service; and that, in lieu of the cutter lately employed in the bay and river Delaware, he be authorized to cause to be built or purchased | a vessel suitable for a cutter, and to be employed occasionally in carrying despatches to foreign countries; and that the necessary expenses attending the purchase and repairs of the said cutters, be paid by the Collectors of the Customs, out of the proceeds of the duties on imports and the tonnage of vessels.

means of discharging them, and the Bank were not in a condition to make further advances.

The difference between five millions, with which he proposed to fill up the blank, and the sum of $1,200,000 with which the gentleman from Pennsylvania proposed to fill it, consisted of the sum of $3,800,000 the Bank had advanced by way of anticipations on the annual revenues. 'This sum that gentleman wished to be left unprovided for. But, in that case, it was obvious that the Bank could not advance Government any money, however great the extremity, and money was so diffi

H. OF R.]

Debt due Bank of the United States.

tion.

[APRIL, 1796.

The Committee now rose, and had leave to sit

again.

TUESDAY, April 12.

to place certain persons therein named on the pension list," with several amendments; to which they desire the concurrence of this House. The Senate have also passed the bill, entitled "An act declaring the consent of Congress to a certain act of the State of Maryland. and to continue an act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the States of Maryland, Georgia, and Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, so far as the same respects Georgia and Rhode Island and Providence Plantations," with several amendments; to which they desire the concurrence of this House.

cult to be borrowed from any other source, that as it was past the usual hour of adjournment, he the movements of Government might be effectu- had no objection to the Committee's rising. He ally arrested. If this sum of $3,800.000 were not took, however, this opportunity of stating that he paid, they would be liable at any time to be called was not, as calumny had suggested, in the least upon for it; whilst that Debt existed in its present interested in that institution. He had, a considershape, all the money which came into the Trea- able time ago, sold all the property he had ever sury was necessarily turned over to discharge it. owned in the Bank. As the duty which devolved Would it not, therefore, be a great advantage to upon him, as Chairman of the Committee of Ways Government to put this Debt out of the way for a and Means, required his taking an active part in number of years, by which means their current measures connected with that institution, he conrevenues would be liberated for their current ex-sidered himself called upon to make this declarapenses? Besides, the Treasury would then have a surplus of money in hand, and find a ready resource in the Bank to answer any contingency; it was certainly convenient and right always to have such a resource. But, if this was not done, all the money which came into the Treasury would be immediately paid to the Bank; and, in A message from the Senate informed the House a case of emergency, the Government would be that the Senate have passed the bill, entitled "An entirely destitute. The objection which the gen-act authorizing and directing the Secretary of War tleman from Pennsylvania had to funding this Debt for a certain number of years, was, that they put it out of their power to pay it off. Mr. S. said it was very evident, that they could not pay off this Debt from their present revenue now with any probable increase; for, besides these five millions, there would be three millions and upwards of Domestic and Foreign Loans falling due before the year 1801, which they must pay. This would make an addition of $620.000 per annum to their present expenditure, and must be paid out of new revenues, or new Loans. And in the year 1801, they had further to meet an additional expense of $1,146,370 for the Deferred Debt. He acknowledged he did not know where gentlemen would find revenues to pay off all those sums, besides the Debt due to the Bank. He therefore thought it good policy to fund the five millions in the way proposed, that they might have a resource in an Institution which would be able to advance them money whenever occasion pressed them for it. He understood that the Treasury was now in an embarrassed situation, that they had applied to the Bank for an advance for the current service, and that the Bank was incapable of advancing any. It was well known that the interest which Govern ment paid to the Bank for their money was only five per cent., though the Bank might, by discounts, make eight or nine of it. It was also well known that the income of the Bank of the United States was less than that of any other bank, owing entirely to their having so much money locked up in the hands of Government. Was it an advantage to the United States, who owned two millions of stock in that Bank, that, from their engaging so much of its money, they only received a dividend of eight per cent., whilst other banks divided twelve per cent. and upwards. The difference in the dividend to the United States was eighty thousand dollars per annum.

Mr. SHERBURNE, from the committee to whom was referred the subject of the Revenue Cutters, brought in a bill on the subject; which was twice read, and ordered to be committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

Mr. HARRISON, from the committee to whom was referred the subject of regulating the Weights and Measures of the United States, made a report; which was twice read, and referred to a Committee of the Whole on Monday.

Mr. DEARBORN, from the committee to whom was referred the PRESIDENT's Message relative to the Territory South of the river Ohio, reported that that Territory, now bearing the name of the State of Tennessee, was entitled to all the privileges enjoyed by the other States of the Union, and that it should be one of the sixteen States of America. The report was twice read, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Tuesday next.

DEBT DUE BANK UNITED STATES. The order of the day being called for, the House formed itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the bill making provision, in part, for the payment of the Debt due to the Bank of the United States. The motion made by Mr. GALLATIN to strike out 5,000,000 and insert 1,200,000 dollars being under consideration-

From these considerations, he thought the plan proposed by the Committee of Ways and Means Mr. SEDGWICK said, the question before the Comnot only just as it related to the Bank, but expe-mittee was, whether the blank in the bill should dient in relation to Government. He hoped, there- be filled with 1,200,000 or with 5,000,000 dollars? fore, when the blank came to be filled up, it will in other words, whether the Loan which the bill be filled up with five millions, For the present, proposed should be of the former or latter amount?