stand, he was refused leave to send them home in empty transports, and was, therefore, compelled either to leave them for the French, or ship them off to the United States, and, of course, he chose the latter; and, thus, perhaps, by this single act, the epoch of the final and complete independence of America upon England for woollens will be accelerated by several years; and, with regard to the fineness of wool, that country will be, at once, put upon an equal footing with this. in England. Is it not absurd to believe, that, while all the wool that we make into superfine cloth, comes from Spain and Germany, superfine cloth cannot be made in those countries?See what has been, only by the short operation of the Embargo and Non-intercourse Acts, done in America. To such an extent have the cloth and cotton manufactories grown up there, that I have been credibly informed, that, during the last year, that the Cards for card-There would be no excuse ing wool and cotton, shipped for America from the Port of Liverpool, have exceeded for a detail like this, were I not thoroughly in amount the cloths shipped at the same persuaded, that we have here before us port, from the counties of Somerset and the seeds of a great event; nothing less Gloucester.I always thought, that the than the complete and absolute independence of United States could not produce wool in America upon English Manufactures. Cotton sufficient quantity, on account of the long she had to export; Iron she had to export; winters, which prevented the keeping of she had every thing but wool, and now she heep. This was a wrong notion, ground- has that with an abundance of food for all ed upon the universal mode in practice in sorts of manufacturers; so that, in a very England, of keeping sheep upon green short time, so far will she be from wanting food in winter. I now find, that, in Ger- woollens from England, that she will have many, whence comes the finest wool in the them to export, and that the manufactuworld, and where is (in Silesia) the very rers will follow the manufactory there can finest flock of sheep in the whole world, all the be no doubt at all. She will be able to sheep are kept in yards during six months make cloths much cheaper than we can ; in the year, and, no small part of the and, of course, she will be able to sell time actually in houses. These are facts them cheaper.--Now, observe, I draw not to be doubted of. The feed of the from this, no conclusion unfavourable to sheep, during the long winter, consists of the happiness or the security or the greathay, straw, and roots, chiefly potatoes; ness of England, none of which are at all and this being the case, America may favoured by the country's being a workhave sheep in as great abundance as they shop for other nations. I am satisfied that are in England.Indeed, I understand, foreign trade is injurious to England; and that very great progress has been already that it has been one of the great causes of made in the increase of sheep in America, the dangers she now has to dread. But, as which has received much assistance from I said before, foreign trade is a part of the the breaking up of the Spanish flocks, of present system of finance, and its sudden dewhich America has had a share. So cline must add to the difficulties that the great is the spirit of enterprize in this government will have to encounter. way, that a very intimate friend of mine, The Regent's ministry, therefore, will not, near Philadelphia, wrote to me, in July in this respect, be upon "a bed of roses,' last, that the price of a Spanish ram there any more than as to matters connected was, in some cases, a thousand dollars; with war and paper-money. They will, that is to say, £. 225 of our Bank of Eng- in short, be beset with difficulties. Look land note money. But, there have been which way they will these difficulties face great numbers sent to America since that them, not in single rank, but in column. time, from Spain and Portugal; and, And, do they imagine, that they are deswhich is not a little curious, many thou- tined to subdue all these without the corsands, which I, at one time, notified that I dial co-operation of the people? If they do, expected to receive in Hampshire, are, I they will find themselves most egregiously have every reason to suppose, and, for the deceived.There is one other measure sake of the worthy owner, I anxiously that I shall mention here, and which, if hope it, now safely landed in the United they have any regard for their reputation States! His wish, they being the finest as ministers, or any desire of keeping their flock in Spain, was to bring them to Eng-places for four months, they will, one land, where his intention was to have made a most liberal and public-spirited distribution of them; but, as I under would think, not fail to set about, the moment they get into office. I mean, the causing to be made a full and clear state ment of the situation of the nation, in the several departments of army, navy, church, poor, taxation, paper-money, colonies, foreign trade, and, above all, the liberty of the subject and the representation in parliament.—— When any man, in private life, takes a trust out of the hands of another, he never fails to have a clear statement made out of the situation of every part of the concern, unless he means to take upon him responsibility for the past as well as for the future. Common prudence points this out; and, at this time, I am sure, that every consideration that ought to have weight with men in power points it out to those who shall be ministers of the Regent. Some of them remember being twitted of coming in upon a bed of roses. It will be their awn fault, if they be thus twitted again. They took to the concern before with the hope of jogging on in the old way. They were forewarned of the consequences. They were told, that the Roses and Castlereaghs would beat them at that. They despised the warning; but, at the end of 15 months, they found it verified; they found themselves where they will again find themselves, at the end of less than another 15 months, unless they adopt a widely different course.They seemed then to have adopted the opinion, that place would do every thing, and that principle was nothing; that, after representing the system of Mr. Pitt as the most unwise and wicked in the world, they might safely pursue it; and that, having got into place, they might, with impunity, extol the public virtues of Mr. Pitt, and even vote a reward, out of the people's pockets, to his public services, in the teeth of those amongst whom they had gained credit solely by their reprobation of his public character aud public conduct. This was the most cutting affront that ever was offered to the understandings and feelings of a nation, and as such it made a deep and lasting im pression; an impression that it will not be easy to wear away. When they had once been prevailed upon to do this; when they had once identified themselves with the public character of the man, whose public character it had been the business of their whole political lives to reprobate, they were, in fact, from that moment bound hand and foot, and at the mercy of their enemies; for the people cared just as much for one party as they did for the other; and, of all the ministries that I ever knew, or heard of, the turning out of no one ever excited so little He regret.-Let them beware, then; for the minds of the people are not changed, and never will and never can be changed, as to the system of the last 26 years.But, the Regency ministers have another, and still higher, consideration to weigh with them. The late ministry acted under the same head which Mr. Pitt and his set had acted under. The Regency ministers will have a new head. If, therefore, they again take up the system; if they again take it under their protection; if they again identify themselves, by eulogies or otherwise, with the public character of Mr. Pitt, what shall we say of their conduct towards the Regent himsely? He standa clear, in the eyes of the people, of any, even the smallest, participation in that system. He has had no art or part in any of the measures of the last 26 years. He has had no hand in adding six hundred millions to the national debt. He has had nothing to do with the Pitt wars against republican principles. He had nothing to do in the successes over democrats. He has had no hand in the measures which have augmented the taxes fourfold. has never had any thing to do with that system which has augmented the poorrates from 2 to 5 millions. In short, he stands new, fresh, and fair before the people, whom, in the course of nature, he is destined to govern. Ile is a sheet of unsoiled paper; and, ought not his advisers to take care, how they cause it to begin by writing upon it, the system of Pite"? Ought they not to be very careful how they pledge him to this, how they identify him with what has been so fatal to England, and the sound of which will, to the latest ages, be so bateful to English ears?Thus have I stated, in time, what it appears to me the Regent's ministry ought to think about, at least, the moment they are in power, and even before they are there.As to the Bill, now before the House of Lords for making the Prince Regent, there is nothing more to be said upon the subject. It is well understood. The principles have all been amply dis cussed, and whether one fourth or one half of the regal powers and prerogatives are withheld from the Regent makes no dif ference at all. The principles are, and must remain, the same; and, whether they be violated little or much, the same objection must exist.Our eyes must now be turned towards the measures that' will be pursued; and, all that I shall say upon them now is, that, after having pointed out those which appear to me to be most essential, I have only to add, that I wish the whole of them may be good; and, that, be they what they may, I shall, in giving my opinion of them, divest myself of all prejudice and partiality.--In the mean while, as connected with this subject, I cannot forbear making a few remarks upon one more passage that appeared in the COURIER (the leading venal print) of the 23rd instant.--The venal man is commenting upon a speech of Sir SAMUEL ROMILLY, upon the subject of the means used to excite suspicions against the PRINCES. "Review the doctrines contained "in these extracts. The Regent should "not be responsible, though his office is "not supreme, but merely a delegated tem " one. Why not reform it as a regiment is re"formed, by disbanding it altogether, sub"stituting a military government in its "stead? We have already made too great "a progress towards a military Govern"ment; and the Opposition, by piquing the Prince personally, by representing "the conduct of Parliament as personally "offensive to his Royal Highness, seem "desirous of preparing his mind to resort to No arguments against the restric❝tions can be referred to the Prince per"sonally without being in their nature highly unconstitutional, as making our "safety depend upon his discretion, rather "than upon the law; and those who can use them are fitter to become the Mi"nisters of the Seraglio than of a free porary trust. Who ever heard before of Country. Were the Prince a weak, im"a deputy being irresponsible to his prin." perious man, fond only of flatterers and "cipal, or any other authority?-Mr." sycophants, with such an abject fawning "Fox, at the Shakespeare Tavern, in Oc- "Ministry as the Opposition seem ready "tober 1801, publicly exulted in the ex- "to become, and the Burdett mob at his "ample afforded by the French Revolu- "heels, the Country would have cause to tion, of the right and power of the peo- "tremble. But his Royal Highness has ple to cashier Kings for misconduct; "too much good sense to be influenced by "but the Foxites of the present day will "the crawling adulation of slaves, and "not allow even a King's deputy to be "too great a love of the liberties of his responsible. Was it candid to talk of "country, to encourage the anarchical "proceeding against the Regent by infor " tyranny of a mob."--If the fact were "mation, as if so high an officer would not so notorious that this man is actuated be sued like a common culprit? Was it solely by a love of gain, one would really "not invidious and inflammatory to re- suppose, that he had heated his brain into "present him as degraded to the rank of insanity. One is at a loss to decide be"an Exciseman because he was required tween the impudence and the nonsense of to take an oath, though the King him- this passage. This sentence insinuates "self takes one? The Opposition would that the Prince is disposed to call in the in reality exalt the office of Regent above aid of military force wherewith to put down that of King! It was humourously re- the parliament, and the next, that he "marked that Mr. Burke's brother thought wishes to have the "Burdett mob" at his "himself a greater man than Burke, be- heels, as if the two would so cordially cause he was his brother; and now the unite!--But, the main drift,of the thing "Opposition would have the Regent a is to inculcate the notion, that those who "greater man than the King, because he are opposed to the restrictions wish to intro"is his deputy! No law must be made duce some new powers and give them to "to restrain the Prince. Every thing must the Regent; that they want to "set him "be trusted to his magnanimity to controul "above the King;" that they are willing "is to insult him. Such language as this to" entrust every thing to his magnanimight lead a Prince of weak intellects, mity;" that they are willing to leave all "of an irritable, impatient, and arbitrary" to his discretion;" that they are willing "temper, to dissolve the parliament for "to depend upon his discretion rather than ever, as a body that did nothing but in- upon the law."--What an impudent, "sult him, stigmatise him, degrade him what an unprincipled, what a shameless "to the rank of an Exciseman, and render man this must be ! For my part, I cannot "him liable to prosecution like a petty of-form an idea of any thing so base in hu" fender. Yet this, according to the "Newspaper reports, is the language of "the Foxites, those friends of freedom! "If they will trust every thing to the Prince's discretion, what is the use of a Parliament ? ́man nature as those qualities that can enable a man to act thus. He knows that every man of sense and information will perceive the grossness, the foulness, of his misrepresentation; but, he also knows, that the uninformed will not, and that the whole of the corrupt tribe will be pleased with him; and thus, for the sake of deceiving the ignorant and obtaining the approbation of the corrupt, he knowingly and voluntarily incurs the contempt and detestation of those whom he is compelled to respect.Where is the man who has, at any time, expressed a wish to invest the Prince with any new powers? Who has proposed to set him above the King? Who has ever thought of depending upon his magnanimity rather than upon law ?What we, who object to the restrictions and oaths and conditions say, is this: that, as the Prince is to fill the office of the King, he ought to possess all the powers of the King, during the time that he fills that office; and no other powers. We say, that he ought to take no oath that the King did not take. We say, that he ought to be no more responsible than the King was. We say, that it is an outrageous insult, not only to the PRINCE, but to common sense, to suppose him less fit to be trusted with power than the King; but, so far from saying, that we are willing to trust to his discretion rather than to law, we haveings, to fatten upon their sweat: and said, over and over again, that he ought to have not an atom of power, not awarded him by the constitution, that is to say, the settled laws of the land. This is what we have, all along, said, and this is what we continue to say. We say, that, if any one will bring forward a proposition for dimiwishing the prerogatives of the Crown, we shall cheerfully hear him, and discuss the matter with him. Such a measure may possibly be proper; but, we say, that no such proposition is offered to us; we say, that it is not a diminution, but a division that is proposed; and, we say, that, in a division, which would separate a part of the prerogatives from the office of King, we see a departure of the principles of our constitution, which holds, that "the prerogatives are "vested in the Crown for the benefit of the "people." We say, that this separating must consider the prerogatives in the light of personal property; and that we do not so consider them--Plain as all this is; consonant as it is with all just notions of free-voting for a man who will pledge himself dom; evident as are the truth and justice of to demand their rights, is ground for it; yet, this venal writer finds his account in anger, in such a case.——I hope, I shall perversion, or, we may be assured that he live, however, to see this done in every would not take the pains to pervert. His county; and that elections will become readers consist, for the most part, of those something a little more than mere meetbigotted and intolerant people throughoutings of a family or two, surrounded by the country, who had their heads well their tenants.If the really independent crammed with Anti-Jacobinism about 12 of every County were to unite, they would or 15 years ago, and who are busied much more about the means of “ putting down. "Jacobins and Levellers," than about defending their country; those incorrigibly stupid animals, who even to this hour, tell you of the glorious prospect in Spain and Portugal, and who laugh at Massena and even at his master; who, when you remind them of the fleets preparing in all the ports of Europe, answer you by repeating the saying about the wooden walls of Old England;" and who, were they to see, or hear of, the approach of a French army of only five thousand men, would, if they could, sink into the very bowels of the earth. These are the bigotted, intolerant, stupid, and cowardly people, to whom this writer addresses himself. Stupid as they are, however, they are more malignant than stupid, and though, at bottom, they despise him (and he knows it), their malice is fed by him, and thus he has a hold which he well knows they cannot shake off.--To these he adds the elect amongst the corrupted and corruptors. All those whose object it is to live unfairly, in one way or another, upon the people's earn The who, rather than see the means of doing this put quite beyond their reach for ever, would cheerfully view the destruction of half the nation by fire and sword. prevalence of justice is, to such people, certain destruction. They cannot breathe the same air with truth and justice. Let delusion cease, and they perish without the assistance of either violence or law. This race is in great alarm at present, and all that I can say is, that I sincerely hope that their alarm may not prove groundless. STAFFORDSHIRE ELECTION.- -Below I insert two letters, to which I beg leave to call the reader's attention.—Mr. WOLSELEY does, it seems, mean to make a stand in that County, upon the principle of Mr. BURGOYNE in Essex; whereat SIR JOHN WROTTESLEY seems to be very angry. To be sure! That is very natural. That any man should attempt to give the Freeholders of any County an opportunity of 207] carry all county elections, in spite of all-In consequence of a reported insinuation of Mr. Wolseley at the last nomination, which at the election he positively denied, I felt it incumbent upon me to state openly the connection that had subsisted between the late lord Stafford and myself, and flattered myself that I had proved, to the satisfaction of every person, and even to this gentleman, that that connection was not renewed with the present marquis. This open declaration did not tend to improve that common intercourse of civilities which might and often docs subsist without any political consideration; and beyond the formal exchange of visits in London, nothing has taken the jobbing that can, even now, be made use of; or, at the very least, they would give the jobbers and family compacts so much trouble and mortification, that an election would be to them; a serious matter. -The yeomen and tradesmen are not just to themselves. They want spirit to assert what is their due. They shrink at great names, which only means great riches. And, why should they? What is there in the name of Wrottesley more than in that of Hodgeson or Jackson or Williamson? Man is man, and nothing more. There are only two sorts of superiority: one of body, the other of mind. If farmer Hodgson can beat Sir John Wrottesley at box-place by word of mouth, letter or mesing, he is, in that way, the best man of the two; and if he, or any other farmer or tradesman, has more sense and virtue than Sir John, he is the best man here again. It is a base abandonment of a man's rights to acknowledge any other kind of superiority, unless it be exacted by the law; and, I am quite sure, that there is no law yet in England, that calls upon farmer Hodgson to acknowledge his inferiority to Sir John Wrottesley.Modesty is becoming in all men, but modesty calls upon no one to acknowledge himself inferior to another man, unless he is conscious of bodily or mental inferiority; and as to money and lands, if I were to pitch upon an infallible sign of baseness, it would be a proneness to acknowledge superiority in the rich.I shall return to this subject, and, in the mean while, I most heartily wish Mr. Wolseley success. WM. COBBETT. tween us. sage, or any, even the slightest conversation that could tend either to general or local politics. As to my brother's election, I had no intimation of his intention, till he had determined to offer himself a candidate for Brackley. At the age of thirty-eight he is wholly independent of me, and capable of forming his own opinions. Had he asked my advice, I should have given it with that sincerity and friendship which has ever subsisted beBut the measure was determined upon before I knew it; and my advice not having been asked, I certainly never intruded it; particularly at a time, when it could no longer avail-The only application to me, was for a qualification, and, for the first time in my life, I refused him; because I was resolved not to give so unequivocal a proof of my approbation. -To these circumstances, I add a declaration, upon my honour as a gentleman, that no political connection whatever has subsisted between lord Stafford and myself since I quitted Litchfield; and while I shall feel flattered with the support of those who give me credit for this assertion, I scorn to accept it from any man who considers me as capable of the smallest deviation from truth. true motives of this letter appear in the postscript, no man who reads it will doubt that Mr. Wolseley intends to become a candidate for the representation of the county, after the example of Mr. swer to Mr. Wolseley is unnecessary; Burgoyne in Essex. If these are his inand to him, I must add those, who, like tentions, it would be more manly to make an open and explicit declaration, resting himself, consider my brother's election as conclusive of an understanding between his pretensions, rather upon his own the families. But for enabling me to ex-merits, than attempting to detract from the plain to more cautious and impartial gen- chracter of others.-I am, Sir, your very tlemen, who hear the evidence before obedient humble servant, they decide the cause, he has my thanks. State Prison, Newgate, Friday, STAFFORDSHIRE ELECTION. Letter from Sir Jolin Wrottesley to the Editor of the Wolverhampton Chronicle. Sir; A Letter having appeared in the Staffordshire Advertiser, signed C. Wolseley, I address you as affording me an earlier opportunity of an explicit declaration upon the subject of its contents. An an But the JOHN WROTTESLEY. Wrottesley, Jan. 12, 1811. |