granted that the good old government | well as amongst nations. Brothers will had nothing at all to do in producing not submit to brothers so readily as they will to other persons; and who can want them; and they would, besides, much rather that we should never turn our minds particular instances to convince him, that towards any "wild speculations" as to what persons contending for an object of any the Dutch people might have possibly en- sort till they become thoroughly embitdured under a government protected by a tered towards each other, prefer giving Prussian army, and which our writers the whole to a third party, rather than would, probably, not have considered as forego the pleasure of obtaining vengeance any military despotism at all.--No. It upon their adversary in the contest.--It suits them best to amuse us; to draw our is precisely the same with nations, as the minds away from all views of the real cause history of the conquests of France have of the conquest of Holland and of the mise- clearly proved; and, when we are drawries they now paint to us as existing in that ing pictures of the miseries of the people country; to divert our attention from this by whose countries have been conquered by invectives against Buonaparte, intended also France, we should not forget to place on to furnish the grounds of an inference as the other side, the ample revenge which to the consequences of his conquering us, they have obtained upon their former and thus to scare us and terrify us into a rulers. Now, though it may be too resistance of his attempts against our coun- much, still I will hope, that these remarks try.--Shallow men! How little must and reflections, may go some little way tothey have profited from the experience of wards inducing our writers, when they are nations! How little must they know of upon the subject of French conquests, to human nature!--God forbid that we indulge less in invective against Buonashould stand in need of scaring and terrify- parté, who is merely the agent, and dwell ing into efforts for the defence of our coun- more upon the cause, or causes, of the try; for, if ever we do, the country will, events and consequences of which they are assuredly, not be defended.- -When men exhibiting pictures. WM. COBBETT. feel terror, the thing uppermost in their mind is, how they shall propitiate him who is the cause of that terror, and not how they shall, by open hostility, resist him. For the preservation of their rights, that they enjoy, any people will fight. But, the Dutch have shewn us, that when a people are deprived of what they deem to be their rights, they will not fight merely to avoid the chance of being still worse off, still more degraded and insulted; and, notwithstanding all that we have heard about the present state of Holland; notwithstanding all that we have heard of the misery of the people (and it is likely to be great enough) I must actually know the fact to believe, that those who shut up their windows to avoid the hateful sight of the Prussian soldiers, would, even now, if they had their free choice, change their new for their old government.--I heard a sentiment from General Craufurd, in one of his speeches in parliament, in 1803, purporting, that he would rather submit to the most fell tyranny that ever was conceived of native growth, that he would rather submit to an English Robespierre, than to the mildest sway in the world under a foreign conqueror.--The sentiment was, I dare say, sincere; but, it was not the sentiment of human nature, as all experience proves, amongst individuals as State Prison, Newgate, COBBETT'S Parliamentary Debates: The FIFTEENTH, SIXTEENTH, and SEVENTEENTH Volumes, comprising the whole of the Debates and Proceedings in both Houses, during the Last Session of Parliament, are now ready for delivery. OFFICIAL PAPERS. HOLLAND.Proceedings of the Dutch Ministry with the English Government, No. II.-Instructions given by the Dutch (Concluded from p. 64.) He will add, that, in case either a relaxation or a change of the above system shall be adopted, we may flatter ourselves, that besides the non-occupation of Holland, the war, as long as it may continue, will assume a new aspect, and much less disastrous, than it has done for these three years; and that there will result a little inore probability of an accommodation, inasmuch as then the Emperor of the French will have no motive to maintain J the Decrees of Berlin and of Milan, which his Imperial Majesty has only adopted in consequence of the British Orders in Council of Nov. 1807.-If, however, the English Government, after having listened to these hints, raises difficulties about giving any definitive explanation, before being positively informed of the intentions of the French Government on the subject; it will be his duty to demand, that the English Government declare, whether it chooses to make its resolution to arrive at negociations for peace, or at least to make a change in the said Orders in Council depend on the above hints, and in particular on the evacuation of Holland by the French troops, and the re-establishment of every thing on the same footing as before the last invasion of Zealand by the English, adding such other conditions as the said Government may think it its duty to insist upon before, according to the proposed measures, for the purpose of having sure data before making known to it the intentions of the French government. -Whatever may be the answer of the English Government to his representations, provided it do not exclude all hope of attaining the object proposed, and that circumstances permit him, he will provisionally prolong his stay in London; and in the inean time he will transmit to the undersigned, as speedily as possible, and by the safest channel, a detailed recital of all his proceedings, of the answers which are made to him, and of every thing that concerns his mission. However, if, after having received an answer to the overtures made by him, he may find it necessary for the success of the cause, to convey it himself to the knowledge of his Majesty, he shall be at liberty to do so; but in that case, even though his Majesty may still be at Paris, he shall take his journey by way of Holland, and shall by no means repair to France directly from England. In fine, the strictest secrecy is recommended to him in this whole affair, as well as the greatest prudence and discretion in the execution of the commission entrusted to him. VANDER HEIM.-J. H. MOLLERUS. No. III.-Translation of a Note of a Verbal The unfortunate situation of Holland has long excited sentiments of compassion in this country, which sentiments naturally increase with every aggravation of the misfortunes to which she is subject: but Holland has no right to expect that this country will sacrifice her interests and her honour.-The nature of the communi<ation received from M. Labouchere will hardly admit of the slightest observation respecting a general peace. It even does not call upon England to repeat those sentiments which her Government has so often expressed on this subject. however, be remarked, that the French It may, Government has not expressed the slightest symptom of a disposition to make peace, or to abate in the smallest degree those pretensions which have hitherto rendered ineffectual the inclination of the English Government to put an end to the to the war which the French Government war. The same observation is applicable carries on against trade, a war in which it has been the aggressor, and which it maintains with unceasing rancour. chere is mistaken in the note delivered by M. Laboùhim, when he asserts, that the English Orders in Council have given rise to the French Decrees against neutral navigation. The Orders in Council were not the motives, but the consequence of the French decrees. The French decrees are still in full force; there have been no measures taken for repealing them. sonable to expect, that we shall in the It is not reasmallest degree relax the personal measures of protection which our safety requires, and which may defend us from the enemy's attacks, because he suffers in consequence of the adopted, and which he shews no inclinameasures he has tion to depart from. No. IV.-Report of Proceedings by M. La bouchere, London, 12th February, 1810. The undersigned having received from their Excellencies orders to proceed to England with written instructions, prescribing the means that he was to pursue to communicate to the English Government the situation of Holland, and to impart to it the means the most probable of averting the fate which menaced that country, proceeded to the Brill. He arrived there on the 2d of February, sailed landed at Yarmouth on the 5th, in the from thence on the following day, and evening, from whence he proceeded for London, where he arrived on the after 831 noon of the 6th. On the morning of the 7th, he requested an audience of marquis Wellesley, Minister of the Foreign Department, which was given him at half past five the same evening. After having communicated to his Excellency the substance of his instructions, and fully discussed the main point, he took his leave of this Minister, with an assurance on the part of the latter, that he would lay his communications before the council, and acquaint him with their determination.Having received no message from his Excellency until the 11th, the Undersigned wrote a few lines to his Excellency, requesting him to give him some idea of the disposition of the English Government. He received in answer an invitation for nine the same evening, when he receiv. ed the unsigned official communication, a Copy of which is annexed.--In this new conference a conversation took place respecting the probability, under any circumstances, that these overtures, whatever the decision of the English Government might be, would produce any sentiments of approximation on the part of France; and above all the inconsistency on the part of England, to admit the principle, that having once resolved on reprisals, as the Minister called them, the latter should of necessity cease with the causes that produced them.-It appears that the English Ministry attach very great weight and consequence to these same Orders in Council, which were the immediate object of the proceeding of the Government of Holland, and which, whether France agreed or not, the English Administration were persuaded afforded the most effectual means of enfeebling the resources of France. In fact these measures appeared to form the principal grounds of the system upon which the Government rested their principles and conduct, and it seemed that so long as the war lasted, it was only from a change of Ministers, that other measures and views might be expected. The Minister also considered that, while, on one side, it was extremely uncertain whether any declaration or concession on his part would produce any alteration for the better, it would, on the other, be impossible to depend on their permanency; and that, in all cases, every proceeding which appeared incompatible with his honour and dignity, would on that very account be rejected, although it should appear to square with his interest.-The undersigned en deavoured to convince the Minister, that was connected with a general arrangement, has blunted all that feeling which Holland would otherwise have inspired; so far, indeed, as not to draw any attention to the very important motives, which should induce them to consider this question separately and under an immediate point of view.-The undersigned, perceiving in this state of things no chance for success in any ulterior proceedings which the Dutch Government might be disposed to adopt, unless such proceedings were specially authorised by France, and that, therefore, with respect to that country, its fate entirely depends upon the question of general peace, he thinks that, conformably with his instructions, he ought no longer to uselessly prolong his residence in this countrylle, therefore, proposes to embark in a few days, and on his arrival he will have the honour to present himself to their Excellencies, the Ministers, and give them verbally a further and detailed account of every thing relating to the mission he was sent upon, and which he endeavoured to fulfil with all the zeal and anxiety with which the importance of the subject must necessarily have inspired him. He requests, in the mean time, that your Excellencies will receive the assurance of his respect. LABOUCHERE, FRANCE AND AMERICA. Letter from the Grand Judge to the Counsellor of State President of the Council of Prizes, relative to the revocation of the Berlin and Milan Decrees, in reference to American com merce. -Paris, 25th Dec. 1810. Mr. President,-In conformity to the orders of his Majesty the Emperor and King, the Minister for foreign affairs, on the 5th of August, addressed a note to the Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, containing the following passage;-I am authorized to declare to you, Sir, that the decrees of Berlin and Milan are revoked, and that, from the 1st of November, they will cease to be in force; it being understood that in consequence of this declaration, the English shall revoke their orders in Council, and renounce the new principles of blockade which they have attempted to establish; or that the United States, conformably to the Act which you have just communicated, shall cause their rights to be respected by the English, In consequence of the communication of this note, the President of the United States, on the 2d of November, published a proclamation, announcing the revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees; and declared that, in consequence, all the restrictions imposed by the Act of May 1, should cease France and her dependencies: the dewith respect to partment of the Treasury, on the same day, addressed a circular to the several Customhouse Agents in America, enjoining them to admit French armed vessels into the ports and waters of the United States; and directing them from the 2d of February next, to apply the law prohibiting every commercial relation to English ships of' every kind, and merchandize proceeding from the soil, industry and commerce of England, if at the above date the revocation of the British orders in Council, and every Act militating against the neutrality of the United States, should not have been announced by the Treasury department.In consequence of this engagement on the part of the Government of the United States, to cause its rights to be respected, his Majesty orders, that all causes pending in the Council of Prizes, on account of captures of American vessels, made from the date of November 1, and those which shall be thereafter made, shall not be judged according to the principles of the Berlin and Milan decrees; but that they shall remain in sequestration: the vessels taken or detained before being alone under sequestration, and the rights of their pro prietors being reserved till the 2d of February next, the epoch when, the United States having reached the term of their engagement to cause their rights to be respected, the said prizes would be declared null by the Council, and the American vessels, along with their cargoes, restored to their proprietors. (Signed) The Duke of MASSA. SMITH, MAYOR.-At a Common Council, holden in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the City of London, on Tuesday the 8th day of January, 1811. Resolved, That while we view with the deepest sorrow the declared incapacity of his Majesty, to discharge the duties of the Regal Office, we cannot but regard with the liveliest fears and alarm the means that have been proposed to provide for the exercise of the functions of Royalty.-That we deem it an indispensible duty to our Sovereign and our Country, to declare in this solemn manner our sentiments upon a matter so vitally affecting the stability and dignity of the Throne, and the rights and liberties of the people.-That the prerogatives of the Crown have been given in trust, and are in fact held for the benefit of the people.-That these prerogatives could not have been so given unless necessary for the administration of the Magistracy of Royalty.-That they must be no less necesary to a Regent, expressly appointed to exercise the functions of that Magistracy.That the avowed design of vesting the Regency in his Royal High ness the Prince of Wales, with restrictions and limitations, would, if carried into effect, necessarily destroy the equipoise which ought to exist between the three branches, and, by violating the integrity of the Constitution, essentially impair the interests and liberties of the people.-That holding as we do," That it is an undoubted and fundamental principle of the Constitution that the powers and prerogatives of the Crown, are vested there as a trust for the benefit of the people, and that in that character only they are sacred;" holding most firmly this opinion, in the expression of which we repeat the ever-memorable and patriotic declaration of his Royal Highness himself, we cannot form to our minds any arguments for abridging those powers and prerogatives in the hands of his Royal Highness which would not justify and call for an entire and perpetual resumption on the part of the people.That besides the constitutional objections just stated, the proposed abridgment appears to us as a similar proposition did to his Royal Highness on a former melancholy occasion, to contain "a project for dividing the Royal Family from each ether; for separating the Crown from the State; for allotting to the Prince all the insidious duties of Government, without the means of softening them to the Public by any act of grace, favour, and benignity-a project for producing weakness, disorder, and insecurity, in every branch of the Administration of Affairs; and, in short, for reducing his Royal Highness to the sad and disgraceful alternative of submitting to the dictates of men, whose implacable hostility to public opinion, exemplified in their open contempt of the right of petitioning, is not less notorious than their hostility to himself, or of resorting to the use of that baneful influence, the effects of which we feel in the enormous addition to our burthens; in the diminu tion of our liberties; in the impunity with which the people have been insulted; and which influence, while it is an object of just and deep abhorrence to us, cannot be otherwise to the noble and exalted mind of his Royal Highness-That, anxious as we must at all times be for the full and efficient correction of abuses, and for a fair and practical Reform in the Representation of the People in Parliament, we deem ourselves equally bound to consider every attempt to impair and abridge the powers and prerogatives of the Crown, as a blow ained at the very existence of the Constitution.That Addresses and Petitions be thereupon presented to the House of Lords and to the House of Commons, humbly and earnestly entreating, that in such Bill or Bills as may be brought in for supplying the present melancholy incapacity of the Sovereign, his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales may be invested with all the Prerogatives of the Royal Office, whether they relate to the exercise of substantial power, or to the genuine lustre of the King of a free People.-That by a full and efficient provision for the incapacity of the King, which can alone restore the Sovereign to the Constitution, can that Constitution be reinstated, the suspension of which, at all times highly dangerous and alarming, is at this moment rendered infinitely more perilous by the flagrant arrogance, and notorious imbecility, of men, who have the presumption to call themselves the Ministers of the Crown-by the overwhelming weight of taxation-and by a war, the declared object of which, on the part of an inveterate enemy, is not alone the extinction of our commerce and best interests, but the total subversion of our rights, liberties, and independence, as a nation. That the command over his Majesty's Seals, assumed and exercised in the late instance, by ordering an issue of treasure from his Majesty's Exchequer, exercised by the two Houses, appears to be subversive of the independence, and dangerous to the existence of the royal part of our Government; and that, to prevent the necessity of having again recourse to such perilous expedients, and thereby confirming and extending still further the alarming precedent, it is the opinion of this Court, that in the present suspension of the exercise of the Royal authority, the most constitutional course of proceeding would be, to imitate the glorious example of our ancestors, in the year 1688, by the two Houses of Lords |