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&c.-On the second, he informed me that he had not sent me a paper which he had prepared upon it, because he thought it would be well that the new Minister should carry out the adjustment, and consequently, that it should be postponed till he was appointed. He repeated, that we should have no difficulties upon it. I give you these verbal explanations as I received them."

throne of Sweden, has, by the ties of nature and friendship, become most dear to us, and who unites in his person the love of us and of the Swedish people.-And we do, therefore, hereby appoint and nominate our beloved Son, his Royal Highness Carl Johan, Crown Prince of Sweden, and Generalissimo of our Military Forces by land and sea, during our illness, and until we shall be restored to health, to manage the Government in our name, and with all the rights we possess, and alone to sign and issue all orders, &c. with the following motto above the signature:-" During the illness of my most gracious King and Lord, and agreeable to his appointment."

However, his Royal Highness the Crown Prince must not, during the administration of our Royal Power and Dignity, create any Nobleman, Baron, or Count, or be

(No. 1)-Foreign Office, December 4, 1810.-Sir-After the most accurate in quiry I have not been able to obtain any authentic intelligence of the actual repeal of the French decrees, to which your Notes of 25th of August, and 3d of November, refer, or of the restoration of the commerce of neutral nations to the condition in which it stood previously to the promulgation of those decrees. If you should be in possession of any such in-stow on any one the orders of Knightformation I should be happy to receive it from you, and for that purpose I request to have the honour of a conference with you at this office to-morrow, at two o'clock. I have the honour to be, &c.-WELLESLEY.-Wm. Pinkney, Esq. &c. &c. &c.

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hood. All vacant Offiees of State can only until further orders, be managed by those whom his Royal Highness shall appoint for that purpose. We rest assured that our faithful subjects will joyfully receive the resolution thus taken by us, which gives an unexceptionable proof of our unlimited confidence in our well-beloved son, his Royal Highness the Crown

SWEDEN.-Temporary Resignation of the Prince, and of the sentiments which we

King.

We Charles, by the grace of God, King of Sweden, &c. &c. Make known, whereas, owing to an illness that has befallen us, and from which, by the assistance of the Almighty, we hope soon to be restored, we have deemed it necessary, in order to promote this object, for the present to withdraw ourselves from the care and trouble which are so closely united with the management of public affairs, and in order, during our illness, not to retard the progress of affairs, we have thought fit to order what is to be observed respecting the Government; and having at the same time found that the states of the kingdom on drawing up the constitution, have, only from tender motives towards us not pointed out how and in what manner, as in the present case, the Government is to be managed during the illness of the King, when the successor is of age, we have therefore thought that we could in no better way fulfil our obligations towards ourselves, and the kingdom, than by entrusting the care of both to a Prince, who being intended one day to be seated on the

have always entertained, and which we never shall cease but with our life to entain for the people, the government of whom Providence has confided to us. This serves for the information of all and every one concerned; In further testimony whereof we have signed these presents and caused the same to be sanctioned by our Royal seal.-Palace of Stockholm, March, 17, 1811.-CHARLES (L. S.)-Jas. WETTerstedt.

FRANCE. Neutral Commerce.

Paris, Dec. 29. On the 25th inst. the Mide Sussey, the Director General of the Cusnister of Finance addressed a letter to Count toms, which, after alluding to the Communica tion made on the 5th of August to General Armstrong, the Proclamation of Mr. Maddison, and the Letter from the American Treasury to their Custom-houses, concludes thus.

His Majesty, Sir, perceiving in these two documents an announcement of the measures which the Americans intend to take on the 2d of February next, to cause their rights to be respected, has ordered

me to make known to you, that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are not to be applied to any American vessel that has arrived in our ports since the 1st of November, or that shall, in future, arrive therein; and that such vessels as may have been sequestrated, on the ground of contravention to the said Decrees, are to form the subject of a special report. On the 2d of February I shall communicate to you the intentions of the Emperor, as to the definitive measure to be taken for distinguishing and favouring the American navigation.

Hamburgh, Dec. 17.-Special Council created by decree of the 19th October, 1810. Sitting of the 14th December.

The majority of the Special Council having met, it was represented that many merchants and traders from Holstein had for some considerable time been soliciting permission to make fresh declarations of colonial products, the entry of which had been lawful by Hamburgh. These merchants represented, that having only had the said products consigned to them, they were not able to know in time the intentions of their employers. The Council taking this circumstance into consideration, and conjecturing that it entered into the means of his Majesty the Emperor and King to facilitate the enjoyment of the favour intended by his decree of the 4th October, 1810, was of opinion, that there should be granted a longer time for the admission of their declarations, which shall expire on the 31st December, 1810. COUNT DE COMPANS. The General of Division, Chief of the General Staff, President of the Special Council.

PRUSSIA-Relative to the Confiscation of all Ships in which Colonial Produce and English Merchandise in the Ports of these Territories have been, or may be, introduced. Berlin 19th March.

We, Frederic, William, by the Grace of God, King of Prussia, &c.-By our Edict of the 28th of October last, have ordered the attachment and confiscation of all colonial, and other merchandize, which have been considered English, under the Continental System, but it was

not determined by the same Edict how the ships were to be disposed of by which such goods were introduced into our territories.-Yet it was before prohibited by our regulation of the 11th June, 1808, that every attempt, at any sort of trade, with England, or its colonies, should expose the offender to the penalty of confiscation of ship and cargo, and to further severe punishment. The same penalties have also been enacted in our later Edicts, in which we expressed our full determina tion to exert all our power for the completion and establishment of the said Continental System.In pursuance of this design, we Decree and Order as follows: -Art. 1. Any ship or ships wherever built, and to whatever nation belonging, the cargo of which consists of what has been considered the produce of England, either by growth or manufacture, must in pursuance of the Continental System, be seized the moment it reaches our harbours, or in any other way becomes subject to our jurisdiction. Art. 2. The penalty of confiscation follows such seizure without the necessity of any further legal formality, and it applies to all ships which are now in our ports, the cargoes of which have been conficated, or may be confiscated under our edict of the 28th Oct. 1810-Art 3. Our Privy Counsellor Heydebrech is commissioned to conduct the public sales of all confiscations made under the second Article, the produce of which is to be paid into our Treasury-Art. 4. the persons named in Article seven of our Decree of the 28th October, 1810, as our Commissioners, viz. the same Privy Coun◄ sellor Heydebrech, the Privy Counsellor Kuster, and our Privy Counsellor and Chief Justice Brunswick, are to furnish, if required, to the Captains or Owners of the ships confi-cated, certificates of such confiscation.Art 5 The same Commissioners are in all future cases to determine on the confiscation of ships, by which, according to the said Continental System, prohibited merchandize may be conveyed to our dominions, as hitherto they have done, with regard to the cargoes, and no appeal is to be made from their decision. Given at Berlin, the 8th March, 181. FREDERICK WILLIAM. HARDENBURGH.

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall-Mail, LONDON :—Printed by T. C. Hansard, Peterborough-Court, Fleet-Street,

VOL. XIX No. 33.) LONDON WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24, 1811.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.. PORTUGAL. THE WAR.-The boastings, respecting the retreat of Massena, have been so noisy, that there was not, until now, any hope of getting a hearing.The use I shall make of the apparent return of sober sense in the news-writers, is, to put a few questions to them, requesting them to have the goodness to bear in mind, that it is an answer the public will look for, and not abuse of him who puts the questions. You say, then, gentlemen, that the French General has run away; that he has fled in disgrace; and that this flight is indicative of the approaching total discomfiture of the French in Portugal and Spain, and of the utter ruin of their cause.. -Now, if this be so, what was the retreat of Lord Talavera last year? Was that running away? Did he flce in disgrace? And was his flight indicative of the total ruin of our cause in Portugal and Spain?-Behind our army Alineida fell, and a detachment of considerable force were beaten out of another fortress on the Cua. The reader will bear in mind what our losses were. Have the French sustained any such losses in their retreat! Have they suffered more than our army suffered? Have they had more, or have they had less, men taken prisoners, during their retreat, than we had during our retreat?—I should like to have an answer to these questions; but, as I dare say I shall not get it, I shall proceed to offer such observations upon the new aspect of affairs in Portugal as the occasion seems to call for.-Massena appears to have moved out of his quarters; or, in plain English, to have retreated, or run "away," if we will have it so, not because he was compelled by LORD TALAVERA or any body else; but, because he chose it, from whatever motive his choice was made. He was not attacked, observe. He was not even annoyed by us. Though our general had been receiving reinforcements and supplies for nearly five months, and though, as it is said, all the country was with us; still the French army kept its post within a few miles of our impenetrable lines, during the whole of

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that time.- What did Massena retreat for, then, at last? Want of the means of feeding his army.And, is it not a shame to hear people talk of other motives after the nation has been told, for the hundredth time, that the French were starving, and that, four months before they began their retreat, they were eating soup made of their horses? Is it not a scandal to hear people now pretend, that the retreat arose from other causes than those of a want of subsistence? And, what, then, had our commander to do in producing this retreat? He did, and, I believe he could do, just nothing at all towards the effecting of this object. The country was eaten up; and Massena had no fleet to bring him supplies; he had no harbour for American merchantmen to enter, and, if he had, he would have had no Exchequer to pay five or six dollars for a bushel of grain; he had no thousands of tons of shipping employed in carrying to him across the seas, oats, and hay, and even litter for his horses; in short, so far from having any of these things, so far from having a maritime retinue equal in number to his army, if we include the hands employed in shipping the supplies; so far from this, he had no supplies at all, and, be it borne in mind, the country, when he entered it, was, as these newspapers told us, laid completely waste, by the good will and wishes of the peoplethemselves, so much did they hate him. In a country thus wasted and thus hostile to him did Massena live upon mere forage, and lie in front of our army, for about five months, and, at the end of that time, not having another meal left, and not being able to get another, did he march off unmolested. -Is this a thing for us to boast of? Is this a thing that we ought to be proud of? He staid till the roads were has able; he staid till he could drag his waggons and cannons along. And, why was he suffered to stay so long? Why was he not attacked before the roads became good enough for him to go upon them?- -There might be good reason for this; it might have been dangerous to attack him; but, then, it must be confessed, that, with means so scanty, he must have.

whereon to fight Massena; that Massena, in having followed him, had fallen into a trap; and that Talavera laughed at him.

performed wonders to be able to make it unsafe for us to advance, until he had made so much progress in his retreat.➡ But, let us revert a little to the statements The reader will correct me, if this be in justification, or rather, in praise, of the not true. But, I am persuaded, that he conduct of Lord Talavera, during the last will allow, that I have not exaggerated, campaign. About the time that I came or misrepresented, in the smallest degree. to Newgate, he had our army and that of —Now, either this was true, or it was the Portuguese sixty thousand strong, ready not; either Lord Talavera did run away, to face the French upon the frontiers of Por- or he drew Massena after him. Let us, tugal, his main object being to defend this then, first take the venal tribe at their country against the French.--Upon the word, and admit that the latter was the borders of Portugal he lay, while the case. -He drew Massena after him; he French, after a siege of some weeks, took intended to bring the French, or rather, the Spanish city of Rodrigo, our army to fetch them, to Torres Vedras, across the being at a very small distance from the whole of that kingdom which he wished spot. He did not march against the to defend against them and to protect from French (who were commanded by Mas- their ravages. Curious enough; but, this sena) while they were besieging Rodrigo; he intended to do; from the out-set of the nor did he begin his retreat while they campaign, he laid a plan for doing it: he were engaged in that work. He remained accomplished bis plan; he succeeded in quiet until the siege was over, and then, drawing the French to the very spot, on when the French were ready to follow which he was resolved to fight them.him, he began his retreat, proceeding Well! and what then? This is what all farther back than Almeida, a strong fort- the venal told us. But, what then? Did ress on the frontiers of Portugal, into he fight the French there? No. Well; which he put a garrison. Here again but, having got them into a trap he kept the French besieged the place, and he re- them there, to be sure? No; not that mained in his position while they were either? What then? He surely did not about it, setting off again upon his retreat let them get out of the trap without doing the moment they secured their rear and were any thing to them? He kept them, to be quite prepared to follow him.--The fight sure, like a Badger or a Bag-Fox to have then became a chace, as we must all well some fun with them; and when he did remember, and as was too flagrant to be let them out, he took care to overtake denied, even by the venal prints them- them in time, and to be in at the death? selves. How this retreat was conducted, No. They lay in the trap for a whole what new positions were taken up, how our winter, without being molested, without commander flung back his flank here, and having an ear cropped or a tail burnt; advanced upon his rear there; how many and, at last, out they went without any successful battles he had with the enemy one's knowing of it for some time.besides the grand one, ending in my fa- This was an odd way of catching people vourite victory, I mean that of Busaco; in a trap. Now, if the French were these we will not and need not refer to in drawn to Torres Vedras; if that was the detail. But, this the reader will, I am spot destined for the defeat, why were sure, remember, that, when the Viscount they not defeated there; or, at any rate, arrived at Torres Vedras, we were told, that why were they not there attacked? Talathe foregone movements were not to he vera had every thing about him. Provicalled a running away, a flight, nor even asions, the City of Lisbon, the fleet; every retreat. That neither of these terms were applicable to his operations; but, that he had succeeded in ......what?

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thing. Lines three deep, a thousand pieces of cannon. Why, then, did he not attack the French, after having drawn them after him, for the express purpose of fighting them there? Why did he suffer them to go out of the trap alive, or, at the very least, without setting his mark upon them, and making sure of their final destruction ? Why did he let them go away again to the frontiers of Portugal; why did he let them go back to their fastnesses; why did he let them go to the very spot where he

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first found them, whence he drew them all across Portugal after him, and which drawing cost such horrible devastations to the country that it was his business, and, doubtless, his wish to protect? In July last both armies were nearly upon the spot that they are now upon; but, how is Portugal changed? What is now the lot of the People of that miserable country? Am I told, that this drawing after was a mere invention of our venal news-writers, in order to make their court to the family of the Commander; am I told, that he himself never said, that he went away before the French from choice; am I told, that his retreat was from necessity? My answer is, that he never has, as far as I know, talked about this drawing of the French after him. I find, in none of his dispatches, words of that meaning. But, to our point at issue that signifies nothing at all. His literary eulogists asserted this. They held this forth to the country. It was sucked down by the credulous part of the people, and affected to be believed by the full-blooded Anti-jacobins, who were not deceived but who wished to aid in propagating the deception.And, it is worth observing here, what a plight silly lying eulogists sometimes put a man in. Nothing can be more disadvantageous to Talavera than the idea of the trap, and the drawing plan; for, what has he, then, done? why, he has succeeded in a plan of getting the French into a trap, and then he lets them out without hurting them; and, this he does, too, observe, at the expence of all the horrid devastations that are said to have taken place in Portugal, that is, in the country which he was sent to protect. To believe this of him is to believe the worst of him that a man can believe. If we believe this, we must believe, that his wish was to be a scourge to Portugal, or that he really is no more fit to plan and conduct a campaign than a baby two months old. This is what we must believe of him, if we believe what was said by his eulogists about the drawing after and the trap. This, however, is what neither I nor any man of sense does, or can, believe. But, then, we must, on the other hand, believe, that his retreat was not a matter of choice; that, from some cause, to us (or to me, at least, unknown) he did not think proper to attack or to wait the attack of, the French upon the frontiers of Portugal last year; and that his retreat, like other retreats, was, of course, to be regarded, as a proof of conscious ina

bility to contend with the enemy; or, in other words, as a proof of fear of being beaten in a battle with that enemy. -Put it thus, and all that has followed is natural enough; all that has followed might have been expected, except the sudden retreat of the French, which, in the case here supposed, really reflects honour upon Talavera, who, has, by some means or other, gained strength and confidence, while the enemy has lost both. Suppose him, as I do, to have been obliged to retreat before the French last year; suppose this, and then the recent change is a thing to praise him for; but, if you maintain the notion of a trap, you then make the recent change in the situation of the armies, or matter of blame to our commander.Aye, but, then, these literary parasites see several great inconveniences in giving up the drawing after and the trap idea. For, in the first place, how came it to pass that Ta-. lavera, whose business it was to defend Portugal against the French, was unable to face them upon the frontiers of that country? Either he wanted men or supplies, or his army was not such an one as he could place confidence in, or, he did not choose to run any risk in battle himself. Now, either of these would not have suited the purpose of the venal men ; and, therefore, they resorted to the assertion, that his retreat before the French was a premeditated thing; that it made part of the plan of the campaign; that it was a thing, not only to be expected but applauded; a thing not to regret, but to rejoice at: and, accordingly, rejoice we did most boisterously.But, on the other hand, these venal personages did not seem to perceive that a difficulty might arise out of the notion, which they had so successfully propagated. They did not perceive, that it was possible for the French to be in retreat before us; and, that, whenever this should happen it would be very difficult to make out a clear distinction, and to persuade people of any sense at all, that it was not drawing after in one case as well as in the other.- -We now hear nothing said about drawing after into a trap; yet, the trap work is, to say the least, now as likely to be in the view of Massena as it was in the view of Talavera last, year. Why should the French be supposed to flee from motives of fear any more than us? The French are going away, or have gone away before Tala vera; well, and he went away before them. It is only turn and turn about,

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