"this house, that the sending admiral Keppel, in the month of June last, "to a station off the coast of France, with a squadron of twenty ships of "the line and four frigates, at a time when a fleet, consisting, as there was "reason to believe, of thirty-two ships of the line, and certainly of twenty"seven, and a great number of frigates, was lying at Brest and ready to put to sea, was a measure greatly hazardous to the safety of the kingdom, "without any prospect of an adequate advantage."-This the ministers. answered by saying that no authentic intelligence had been received of the enemy's strength: and they, moreover, asserted, from the example of lord Hawke in 1758, that the superiority was not such as to justify an English admiral in declining an action.-The result was that the motion was rejected by a majority of 34 votes."--This did not prevent Mr. Fox from moving in the house of commons, and the earl of Bristol in that of peers, for the removal of the earl of Sandwich from the board of admiralty. But their motions shared the same fate; being rejected by great majorities. We have had occasion to observe the ill consequences arising from divisions in the council, and from the appointment of commanders whose political principles did not accord with those of the ministers with whom they acted. Other examples now present themselves in the persons of generals Howe and Burgoyne.-These officers, returning dissatisfied from America, became warm opponents of the ministry: and, that they might clear themselves of reproach, and throw the blame which generally attaches itself to ill success on the administration, they earnestly solicited an inquiry into the conduct of the war.-This was, with some reluctance, at last complied with by the minister. The evidence of the earl of Cornwallis, general Grey, sir Andrew Hammond, major Montresor, and sir George Osborne, who were examined before a committee of the whole house respecting the former, and that of sir Guy Carleton and other officers of high repute respecting the latter, tended to an entire justification of them. Nor was there any other evidence of equal validity brought against them. But when they expected a testimony of their good conduct and an acknow ledgment 1779 VOL. II. April 11. b Annual Register. 112. 115. Idem. 133. 55 2 U 1779 ledgment of their services, the committee was suddenly dissolved without coming to any resolution on the subject. d The attention of parliament was called to an object of much greater consequence than these inquiries, towards the close of the session, by an hostile manifesto presented by the marquis d'Almodavar from the court of Madrid.This state-paper set forth the motives which induced his catholic majesty to declare war against England: and, in justification of his conduct, it brought forward a charge of one hundred injuries which he had sustained. -The monarch's real motives were immediately laid open, and evinced to be agreeable to the principles of the family compact, by a manifesto which the French king issued, under the title of "an exposition of the motives. "and conduct of his most christian majesty towards England;" in which the avowed objects of the united courts are declared to be "to avenge their "respective injuries, and to put an end to that tyrannical empire which England has usurped, and pretends to maintain, upon the ocean. These manifestos were answered by a memorial from his Britannic majesty, tending to disprove the reasons on which his enemies founded. the justice of their cause.-This diplomatic contest may be considered as a ceremonious prelude to active hostilities; and are intended to preserve such a shew of regard for the laws of nations as may give the belligerent parties pretensions to the support of the neighbouring powers, when their merits should be referred to the sword.We have seen Great Britain maintaining a contest with the house of Bourbon, which had done honour to her arms but that had commenced in the hour of victory, and when her empire was unbroken. Whereas the awful period was now arrived when she was to take the field against the same enemies, deprived of a considerable portion of her natural strength, which was thrown into the adverse scale. The event, however, proved, that, notwithstanding a great part of the nation were dissatisfied with the conduct of public affairs, there was, happily, remaining in the kingdom a strong principle of union when opposed to a foreign foe; and that energy which is known only in free countries, and which bade defiance to all the force and all the insidious artifices of her confederate enemies. The spirit of the people was roused: and it was seen that the free constitution which made the bond of union among them, was, in its effects, capable of providing resources for the war, with all the disadvantages under which it was to be carried on.-This was first manifested in the proceedings of parliament: where, although much blame was thrown on the ministry for their want of information respecting the designs of our enemies, and their obstinate disregard of the admonitions of others, yet an animated address was unanimously voted, assuring his majesty of the strenuous support of the legislature in the war in which he was engaged. It was evident, on this trying occasion, that a great majority of British subjects were loyally affected towards the state. They were not desirous of a change of government: they complained not of the constitution; but because they thought that its principles were departed from, and they did not enjoy all the benefits which they had a right to expect from it. Amidst the evils of foreign war, such causes of alarm and disquiet to the state subsisted at this time as added to the heap of national distresses. Violent tumults were occasioned in Scotland by the repeal of the laws in England against roman catholics. And that country was once more convulsed by the harangues and the writings of a set of fiery zealots, who filled the people with apprehensions of danger to the established church from the extension of the acts to this kingdom.-The cities of Edinburgh and Glascow presented horrid scenes of outrage. These continued, till an armed force was called to the aid of the civil magistrate, and the minds of the people were, in some degree, pacified by an assurance from the lord. provost, that no repeal of the penal statutes against papists should take place, and the malecontents were awed by a declaration that the most vigorous measures would be adopted for repressing any further tumults. Violent as these proceedings in Scotland were, the state of Ireland was still more alarming. The disorders in the former country arose from temporary circumstances, which could be easily removed: whereas the symptoms of disaffection which discovered themselves in the latter arose from more permanent causes, which were rooted in the minds of the people, and could not be removed without sacrificing other interests, and incurring other difficulties and dangers.-This country had felt the ill consequences arising. 1779 1779 arising from the war in several different ways. When the advocates of the distressed people found that their reasonings were of no avail, different means were adopted for procuring redress.— Agreements were entered into, by an association formed in the city of Dublin, † not to import or wear any English manufactures which can be manufactured in Ireland, till an enlightened policy, founded on principles "of justice, shall appear to actuate the inhabitants of certain manufac"turing towns of Great Britain who have taken so active a part in opposing "the Anderson. 242. + April 16. i Idem. 244. "the regulations proposed in favour of the trade of Ireland; and that they 1779 66 appear to entertain sentiments of respect and affection for their fellowsubjects of this kingdom." This example was followed by the city of Waterford. And when the nation at large were informed that their interests had been discussed by the English parliament, and that nothing effectual was done for removing their grievances, finding that redress must come from themselves, they entered into similar associations throughout the kingdom.* These were not the only alarming proceedings of the Irish nation. When the combined fleet was cruising in the channel, military associations were formed "for the purpose of defending their country against foreign "enemies, and their rights against what they thought domestic usurpation; "declared to be loyal to their king and affectionate to Great Britain; but "it was such loyalty and affection as consisted with their own liberty and "prosperity."-Twenty thousand volunteers were instantly enrolled; and their standard seemed to be upheld, not by any particular party, but by men of all ranks and descriptions and political principles. Moreover, their appearance was rendered more formidable by that deliberate temper and that firmness which were displayed in all their proceedings. The government now perceived that it was absolutely necessary to adopt effectual measures for redressing the grievances of this nation. As a precaution, to prevent the ill consequences apprehended from the associations, they wisely endeavoured to conciliate the attachment of the associates by giving them the approbation of the state, that they might appear to act under its authority.-On the meeting of the Irish parliament in the autumn, the patriots declared that nothing less than a free and unlimited trade could save their country from ruin. Nor were their requisitions any longer fruitless. In so important a light were the affairs of this kingdom seen, that they became the primary object of the English parliament, which met soon after. -The earl of Shelburne, deeply interested in its welfare, moved for a vote of censure against the minister for not having taken effectual measures for its relief, in consequence of an address presented to his majesty in the preceding session.-Lord Ossory made a similar motion in ‡ November 25. 1 Idem. 254. k Anderson. 4. 346. 53. |