GREAT BRITAIN. 1785. 1785 THE present prosperous state of affairs, and the confidence which men in general reposed in the minister at the helm, afforded a favourable opportunity for directing the attention of government to matters of internal regulation. Accordingly we find that the legislature was employed during the session of parliament, which opened in the month of january,† in affairs of a civil and commercial nature, in which the stability of the constitution and the harmony and prosperity of the British states were deeply interested. One of the most important of these was the business of a reform in the representation. This the premier had pledged himself to use the weight which his station gave him for the attainment of; and he now brought it forward,‡ in a bill, "to amend the representation of the people "of England in parliament."-The outline of his plan was " to transfer the right of choosing representatives from thirty-six boroughs which were decayed, or were falling into decay, to the counties or to such chief "towns as were at present unrepresented.—That a fund should be provided "for the purpose of giving to the owners and holders of such boroughs "disfranchised an appreciated compensation for their property. And that "the right of voting for knights of the shire should be extended to copyholders."-This plan he justified by adducing precedents to shew that the right had and ought to fluctuate according to existing circumstances, in order to preserve the spirit of the constitution: and it was supported by himself and its other advocates as a rational expedient for rendering the 66 + January 24. April 18. system system of representation more conformable to its original principles, in a manner that could not possibly endanger the constitution, and would rather disarm than encourage the advocates of innovation. In opposition to it, it was argued, that the present system was such as invited men who were most interested in the national welfare to offer themselves as representatives. And so strong was the attachment to the present system, and so prevalent the apprehension that the measure, if successful, would afford a precedent to speculative theorists who would avail themselves of it to introduce specious plans of reform that would eventually sap the foundation of the state, that the bill was rejected by a majority of 278 to 174." After this, Mr. Pitt, in consequence of the report made by the commissioners of accounts, brought in bills for the better auditing and examining the public accounts, and for the reform and regulation of the public offices, which were received with general approbation. These being passed, a new and efficient commission of examination and control was instituted, and many of the inferior departments of office were consolidated. Another matter of great importance, now submitted to the consideration of parliament, was a plan for establishing such a commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland as might be beneficial to both countries, and might place the finances of the latter upon a footing which should be more advantageous to the state. This salutary measure was strongly recommended as a means of calming that turbulent spirit which had long prevailed in Ireland. The removal of commercial restraints, and the recovery of constitutional rights, with which they had been gratified, had been found ineffectual to that purpose.-Extreme distress was still felt by the Irish manufacturers, owing chiefly to the disadvantages which they laboured under with regard to the duties which were respectively paid on goods exported to and imported from England.* This occasioned discontent among * While all English manufactures and commodities were imported at a trifling per centage ad "valorem into the Irish ports, duties amounting nearly to a prohibition were imposed upon the "produce or manufactures of Ireland, with one very important exception, that of linen, on the "importation into England. The general voice of the people of Ireland now loudly called for "protecting duties, in order to foster the infant manufactures of that country, and to compel the "inhabitants to consume the produce of native ingenuity and industry.”—Belsham's George the Third. 4. 41. a Annual Register. 190. 3 U 2 b Belsham. 4. 59. 1785 1785 among the people, and made them proper instruments in the hands of 66 parliament," which was repeatedly rejected.-Undaunted by ill success, the citizens of Dublin drew up a petition to his majesty, representing their grievances. At the same time, they circulated an address, to stimulate the body of the people to a general and vigorous exertion for the attainment. of their objects: and in this, in order to strengthen themselves, and to unite the whole nation in one cause, they proposed to admit the roman catholics to a participation of the right of voting for representatives. It is not unfrequently seen that the ardour of popular assemblies proves ruinous to the cause in which they are engaged. Such was the case in the present instance. Many of those who were desirous of a reform upon protestant principles were alarmed at a proposition which would, at once, have given the roman catholics an ascendency in the kingdom. Disunion was the immediate consequence. The earl of Charlemont, general of the Ulster volunteers, dissented from the proposition: and the example of a nobleman so deservedly respected had great influence on the whole body. The The measure proposed of holding a national congress, at Dublin, of deputies from each county, city, and town, was another step which led to the ruin of this popular cause. It not only excited apprehensions in many of the advocates of reform, of views in the party-leaders inconsistent with the welfare of the state, but afforded government a just occasion to interpose its authority. Accordingly, on information that H. Stephens Reiley, sheriff of Dublin, had presided at an assembly, august the nineteenth, 1784, for the purpose of choosing delegates to such a congress, Fitzgibbon, the attorney-general, proceeded against him by attachment from the court of king's bench. And the result was, that the sheriff was sentenced by the court to imprisonment for a week and a fine of five marks. The congress, notwithstanding, was held, on the twenty-fifth of october, 1784. But the numbers being incomplete, the assembly was adjourned to the second day of january ensuing; having passed several resolutions, importing that their proceedings were in conformity with the constitution of Ireland, and exhorting the nation to support them in the measures they were taking for a parliamentary reform.-An adjourned meeting was, accordingly, held, first on the day appointed, and finally on the twentieth of april. And Mr. Flood, in consequence, repeated his motion for his bill of reform, which was again rejected." In the mean-time, loud complaints were made of the ruinous state of trade and manufactures in Ireland; and the popular tumults occasioned by it rose to so formidable a height at Dublin that the necessity of applying a more effectual remedy to the growing evil became daily more evident.— For this end a number of resolutions were proposed by Mr. Orde, † secretary to the lord lieutenant. These, having received the approbation of a decided majority, were transmitted to England, to serve as the basis of an. equitable arrangement of a commercial intercourse between the two countries. On receiving these, Mr. Pitt immediately brought forward his propositions; the general purport of which was "to afford Ireland a permanent participation of the commercial advantages of Great Britain, "when her parliament should permanently secure an aid out of the surplus " of the hereditary revenue of that kingdom, towards defraying the ་་ 66 expence 1785 8 Annual Register. 1786. 9. May 12. + February 7. h Idem. 10.. 1785 expence of protecting the general commerce in time of peace."—In their passage through the two houses much obstruction was experienced from the difficulty of reconciling the interests of the Irish with those of the English and Scotch manufacturers. The apprehensions of injury to the latter were expressed in petitions from Manchester and other towns. After the merits of the propositions had been elaborately discussed during three months, and they had undergone material alterations to accommodate them to the wishes of the British manufacturers, they received the legislative sanction, and were transmitted to Ireland. On the introduction of a bill, correspondent to their temper, || by Mr. Orde, very animated debates ensued, in which Mr. Grattan and Mr. Flood distinguished themselves by their harangues, to dissuade the house from assenting to an arrangement so inadequate to the desired ends. The spirit of jealousy, before prevalent in the legislature and nation, was roused by their popular eloquence, and concurred with it in producing the intended effect. The bill was, indeed, passed by 127 to 108 votes. But, so small a majority not being thought sufficient to justify the prosecuting a business of such importance, it was deemed advisable to drop it, till it could be resumed with a fairer prospect of general approbation. i 1785 HOLLAND AND FRANCE. THE Dutch states did not neglect to avail themselves of the advantage which the emperor's ill-directed spirit of enterprise gave them. Whilst that prince, diverting his attention from his favourite object in the Netherlands, was intent on a scheme for the exchange of his dominions in the low countries for Bavaria, in which he was foiled by the vigilance of his Prussian majesty, their high mightinesses were using every means to cultivate a good understanding with France. And in this they were favoured by the policy of that crown. The French government, however personally well-affected to the emperor, was aware of the ill consequences that might May 12. August 12. ensue i Ann. Regist. 1786. 24. |