1771

ders provided for him as to be incapable of observation and cool reflec-
tion, he would have been convinced that a nation which produced such men
were not made to submit to despotic power. He would not have endea-
voured to extend his prerogative beyond its former boundaries in an age
when the minds of men were daily growing more enlightened. Liberal
measures, and a government conducted with a firm and steady hand, might
have saved the ancient monarchy from ruin, by diverting the storm which
was gathering round him, and which fell, undeservedly, with all its ven-
geance, on the head of his unfortunate successor.-On the contrary, the
deluded monarch gave himself up to the guidance of the advocates of des-
potism. The deep designs of chancellor Maupeou against the constitutional
rights and liberty of his countrymen began to unfold themselves as soon as
de Choiseul's dismission and the exile of the parliament left him without
control. In order to curb the power of that assembly, the king held a bed
of justice, in which was published an edict dividing the jurisdiction of the
parliament of Paris into six districts, having in each what was called a supe-
rior council or court, which was to be subservient to his will. This was
followed by the suppression and new creation of the other parliaments.†
In vain did these remonstrate, and the peers and princes of the blood
protest against every step taken to the prejudice of their constitutional
rights. In defiance of their opposition, the king, by his edict, confirmed
the new tribunals, together with a new code of laws digested by the chan-
cellor. Moreover, that there might be no doubt of his resolution to
†1
persevere in these arbitrary measures, Lewis made an entire new arrange-
ment of his ministry, that they might have a perfect reliance on each other's
support in the prosecution of the chancellor's scheme of government, and
that no one, by his patriotic principles, might reflect reproach on his col-
leagues. The duke d'Aiguillon, the most detested man in the kingdom,
and, at this time, under an accusation of malepractices in his government of
Bretagne, was raised to the station of premier: monsieur de Boynes, a tool
of the chancellor, was appointed to the naval department: the marquis de
Monteyard to that of war: and the abbé Terrai to that of finance."
His majesty's displeasure towards the princes of the blood was particu-

larly seen on the ceremony of the marriage of the count de Provence, this year, to a sister of the king of Sardinia; they not being invited to give it their attendance. And it was deserving of notice, as expressive of the national sentiments on the present system of policy, that the Parisians, so much alive to mirth and gaiety in general, could not be brought to join with spirit in the festivities by which the court would willingly have conciliated their good will."

1771

SPAIN.

THE facility with which the contest with Great Britain was settled, as we have seen in the history of that kingdom, as soon as the duke de Choiseul's schemes were developed and he was sent into exile, more clearly proved whence those principles of policy originated on which this crown was to have been involved in hostilities. This evil being happily averted by a change in the councils of France, the Spaniards were suffered to indulge themselves in that peaceful indolence, to which they were by their nature inclined, till they were called on to sacrifice the interests of the crown and nation to the obligations of the family compact, on a subsequent occasion; when they really became the dupes and victims of French policy.

1771

ITALY.

THE amiable character of Ganganelli was displayed not more in his charity to the poor, and the rational expedients which he adopted to provide against the causes of distress, than in his kind attention towards ecclesiastics of all descriptions, especially those of his own order. This pontiff whose levees were honoured by foreign princes and ambassadors from crowned heads, and whose knowledge of languages and acquaintance with political affairs

1771

n

Voltaire. 290.

May 11.

a

See 1760. 63.

1771

affairs and the concerns of common life enabled him to converse freely with all who approached him, was at other times surrounded by his brethren of St. Francis; and at these interviews he appeared to be most highly gratified in giving and receiving testimonies of affectionate regard. He was still a Franciscan in his habits of life; and appears to have regretted the having sacrificed the enjoyments of a retired but social life to the papal dignity, when it was too late to correct his error.

1771

GERMANY AND PRUSSIA.

WHILST the plan of mediation was carried on, the particulars of which may be seen in the Russian history, the scheme for the partition of Poland began, at this time, to unfold itself; which cannot but be considered as an affair of the greatest importance in itself, and as involving in it the most valuable interests of every nation in Europe, if we attend to the circumstances and character of the partitioning powers.-The Russian empire, by the rapid progress which it had made since the reign of the illustrious Peter, had arrived at an alarming height of power; and the throne was filled by a princess who had proved that she was actuated by a boundless ambition, unrestrained by principle.—The Prussian dominions, which in the middle of the last century had consisted of little more than the electorate of Brandenburg, and a great part of that in an uncultivated state, were now grown into a kingdom which placed its sovereign on a level with the greatest powers in Europe; and was rendered more formidable by the character of the reigning monarch, and the ardent thirst of power which his actions had betrayed. The emperor Joseph, although comparatively but little known, had discovered an active, enterprising disposition; he had paid great attention to the improvement of his troops; and he had now the finest army in Europe, except that of his Prussian majesty, whose martial achievements he scemed disposed to rival.-It was, therefore, manifestly the interest of all Europe to oppose the progress of three such potentates, and to use every means to prevent their further aggrandizement. Unfortunately, Great Britain

Britain and France, the powers which, in a commercial as well as political view, were most deeply concerned, were at this time weakened by internal dissension, and had not that good understanding between them which could lead to a union of their strength in the glorious cause of rescuing a nation from oppression, and maintaining the independency of Europe against this formidable league. Hence it arose that the scheme of partition was carried on with no obstruction but what arose from the clashing interests of the partitioning powers themselves.

The conduct of the Austrian court served to forward the design. Count Kaunitz, we have seen, had declared, in his sovereign's name, that she would not suffer an extension of the Russian dominions towards the Danube. Agreeably with this declaration, the emperor drew large bodies of troops into Hungary, as well to intimidate the empress and induce her to accede to reasonable terms of peace, as to merit the friendship of the Porte, and, if possible, to regain the territories which the house of Austria had lost by the treaty of Belgrade. His forces, however, did not act entirely on the defensive. On the contrary, a body of Austrian troops had entered the Polish frontier, and seized on the lordship of Zips, to which the empress queen had pretensions.-The councils which produced this movement and the subsequent transactions were adopted, we are told, at the earnest solicitation of his imperial majesty, contrary to the wishes of Maria Theresa." The professed object of it was to obtain an indemnification for money due to the Austrian house from the republic of Poland. But the true motives, jealousy of Russia and a desire to extend the Austrian dominions in this quarter, immediately appeared in a declaration from count Kaunitz, that his sovereign was ready to withdraw his troops as soon as the Russians and Prussians should be withdrawn.

It appears to have been Catharine's original policy to render the kingdom of Poland first subservient to her will, and eventually subject to her dominion. This we may trace in her transactions relative to it from the commencement of the present reign. But when she perceived, by the conversation of prince Henry and the movements of the Austrian troops, that the ruling German powers were determined not to suffer her to execute this scheme

1771

VOL. II.

I

a

Memoires de Frederic II. 5. 59.

b Caraccioli. 28.

1771

scheme of ambition without being partakers in her acquisitions, she prudently accommodated her councils to existing circumstances.

Policy now concurred with inclination to induce Frederic, who had waited a favourable opportunity with the patience of an aged politician, to bring forward that scheme of partition which was to reward him for his firm adherence to the Russian interests. Nothing could be more agreeable to the views of his Prussian majesty than the warlike aspect assumed by the court of Vienna; and it was rendered more so by the difficulties thrown in the way of the partition by Kaunitz, who had a strong bias towards that scheme which was to be the result of his sovereign's alliance with the grand seignior.* The king's friendship now became of more importance to the empress. She was convinced that, in the present state of affairs, his support was absolutely necessary, to defend her against the house of Austria; which had ever borne her a grudge on account of her refusing to support its interests in the late German war; which was endeavouring to ingratiate itself with the Porte with a view of defeating her designs in the war which she was now carrying on; and which had at this time formed a convention with the sultan, by which it engaged to declare war against her, and not to make peace till she had restored her conquests from Turkey and desisted from her enterprise in Poland. Catharine, therefore, expressed a willing

--

ness

* Frederic's dominion was founded on violence; and he was careful to be ever prepared with what he knew to be absolutely necessary for the maintenance of it—a well-stored treasury and the completest army that ever the world saw. His former acquisitions were owing to a judicious application of these, assisted by great military skill and prowess. And the partition of Poland may be considered as the master-piece of his crafty politics.-Let us hear the opinion of the intelligent monsieur Favier upon this subject. "This first mover and instigator of the troubles in Poland, "Frederic, without taking an ostensible part in the transactions, contrived to bring things to that "crisis, when the situation of affairs should dispose the courts of Vienna and Petersburg to unite "with him in the partition of that kingdom. Availing himself of an ambitious young prince's "thirst of military glory, and the ardent desire of a princess of genius to signalize herself in the "paths of philosophy and legislation, he became the arbiter between them, and the cement of that "union by which he intended to make them instrumental to his views. He anticipated the cir66 cumstances which would create a diffidence and coldness in each of them toward himself and "toward each other: he foresaw the obstacles that would arise from these causes to a union with "him: and he made it his business, and the grand object of his policy, to be sought after by that power, whichever it might be, that might be disposed to break with the other."-Politique de tous les Cabinets. 1. 249.

с Lind. 71. and Soulavie. 5. 43.