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of a crime, next, fixity of tenure— a phrase meaning the transfer of the whole landed property of Ireland from the landlord to the tenant—and with these were required vote by ballot, and one or two other extreme propositions of the same class. This measure had been in existence, with little intermission, for almost a century; its necessity was cogent, and though at 80 late an hour he should not attempt to analyse its details, he was prepared to vote for its second reading, Lord J. Russell said, that after the speech of the Irish Attorneygeneral, who had put his argument, not upon the merits of the Bill or its present necessity, but mainly on the course taken by the late Government, he begged to have an opportunity of justifying the course which, as a member of that Government, he had pursued on this subject. The policy and circumstances under which the late Government had to legislate were widely different from those under which the present legislation was brought forward. At their accession Ireland had long been misgoverned; it was neces. sary to bring her round, but that Was a work requiring a mixed policy, kindness to the people, but repression of those who had been but too long accustomed to violence, Lord Normanby so goWerned as to have the sympathies the people with him, and as these should have been more and more secured, it would have beCome practicable from time to time to let go the harsher measures. But when a new Arms Act was introduced, he would ask, whether any attempt was now making to onciliate those popular sympathies? Whether the recent depri.

vations of the magistracy were conducive to the peace of Ireland P He believed that Lord Eliot was sincerely desirous to govern on principles of justice and conciliation, but yet, somehow, the Irish Government was a Government conducted by a small minority. The Irish could not but feel it a hardship that promotion was not distributed in Ireland as impartially as in Canada. Considering, however, the whole case, he would not go so far as to withhold his vote from the second reading of this Bill. As to the Repeal of the Union, he was wholly adverse to it, for the sake of Ireland as well as of England, and if it were attempted by force, the Executive Government must put that force effectually down ; but, while only legal means were taken, he disapproved of harsh inflictions on the part of the Government, as tending, needlessly to aggravate dissatisfaction. Now as to those outrages, which in the time of the late Government had been ascribed to political causes, he must observe, that the last speaker had furnished a defence against that charge, for his enumeration had shown that these outbreaks oc

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the care he had taken to exclude all persons politically differing with him from all offices, even from such as that of sheriff. Mr. W. S. O’Brien contended that his countrymen were entitled to bear arms, since at the recent funeral of Governor Hobson, in New Zealand, Lord Stanley had allowed the natives to have muskets in their hands. The only alternative he could now discern was that of a rebellion or justice to Ireland. He animadverted on the practice of clearing estates by the wholesale ejection of the tenants, and desired to know whether it was true, as an Irish newspaper reported, that Lord Haywarden, a nobleman holding office in the present Government, had turned out almost two hundred families. The present Bill was not a mere continuation; it contained many vexatious novelties, the ‘Branding clause itself was a new one. After some comments on particular clauses, he expressed his conviction that the Bill would fail to effect its own object, but would not fail to irritate the feelings of the people. Mr. Biancorri, (the great car proprietor) who had theretofore been no Repealer, had

been induced, by the perusal of

this Bill, to send a subscription to the Repeal Association. He conjured the Government to retrace their steps, and gave notice that he would divide against this Bill in every stage and on every clause. Mr. C. Buller said, that though many members near him had assented to measures resembling the present when they were to be administered by a Government possessing the confidence of the Irish people, they were under no obligation of sanctioning a Bill to be

administered by a Government whose principles that people detested. The effect of the present Bill would be just this—that the assailants would still have arms themselves, but would find their victims unarmed. As to Repeal, he was decidedly adverse to it, but if the mind of Ireland was diseased on that subject, it was not to be cured in this way, but by the redress of her grievances. There was not in Europe a nation whose physical condition was so bad as hers, and that was the opinion which all Europe entertained, as was proved by its literature both permanent and periodical. The Poor Law Reports, as compared with the testimony of Arthur Young, established that, while all other nations had been advancing in their comforts, the food of the Irish, their potatoes, had been deteriorating, both in quantity and in quality. What leaders had they to keep them within the law In many places there were no resident gentry, but there was a Church imposed upon the people by force. You kept up your ascendancy, only by arms, and by Arms Bills. The present Government had adopted the Orange party, for he could find no difference between the Orange and the Tory party, and what must be the feelings of the Irish people to see promoted to the Bench men known to them mainly by their religious bigotry and national animosity, which they had evinced in Parliament. He was not personally acquainted with Ireland, but he had seen in Canada feelings of not less heat instantly, allayed by a conciliatory policy. There, a Ministry had been appointed consisting of men of all

politics, while in Ireland you ap

pointed a Ministry from the ranks of your own minority alone, Now, put yourselves in the position of an Irish Catholic, placed under that Ministry, and so placed, not because Ireland had changed her mind about parties, but because England had changed hers, and then wonder, if you can, that he should wish for a domestic legislature. There was now a choice between a bloody war — bloody even if successful, and a popular peace. That choice it was now for Sir R. Peel to make, and in making it to consider how posterity would view his acts, what fame they would award to him when he should plead, as the two great measures of Irish policy—the Duty on Spirits, and the Arms Bill. Mr. Shaw declared, with deep regret, that Ireland was now in a very unsatisfactory, he might say, alarming state; the lower classes extensively agitated, and the higher unusually dejected and depressed. This despondency, perhaps, arose in some degree from the changes in the Corn-law and Tariff. A great alteration had been wrought by the temperance movement, but unhappily even that great benefit had brought with it the evil of an organization, now turned to the most dangerous purposes. Lord John Russell had made it a charge against the Protestant party, that they appointed only their own partisans. Why, a Ministry could not govern without a party, or govern by promoting its political opponents, and no Government had been more thoroughly partisan in its appointments than that of Lord Melbourne, which had actually offered a high judicial seat to Mr. O'Connell. Mr. Shaw, after vindicating the judicial appointments made by the

present Government, particularly those of Mr. Lefroy and Mr. Jackson, returned to the subject of the general state of Ireland. It was a state of things with which the Protestant party had not been altogether content, but they had been unwilling to obtrude upon the Irish Government then very generally regarded by them, whether rightly or wrongly, as a feeble one, opinions which were not sure of a favourable reception. In this position of affairs, the Repeal agitation had been revived. He then read extracts from some of the published addresses of the Repealers, in prose and in verse, exhorting the people to universal organization. That organization was the real danger; the real object was to array the people and the priesthood against the property of the country. Repeal was but the pretext adopted to mislead the Government. He disproved, in specific detail, the charge against Lord Haywarden of having turned out 143 families, and exposed the priest who had attempted, by this nefarious libel, to excite the feelings of the people. There was no class more alarmed at the progress of the movement than the respectable portion of the Roman Catholics, who dreaded that they should be swept along by the tide. If that movement were not put down, either by the existing law, or by some new law to be made for the preservation of the constitution, both the law and the constitution would be put down by the movement. Mr. C. Buller's remedy was to Canadianise Ireland, which meant, to make Mr. O'Connell Attorney-General, and substitute the titulars for the clergy of the Establishment. Mr. Shaw concluded by expressing his conviction of the necessity of some such measure as the present Bill. Sir J. Graham admitted that the privilege of having arms was a constitutional right of great value, but unhappily the proportion of homicidal crimes, as between England and Ireland, with reference to their respective populations, had so increased, as to make it necessary that this right should be placed under regulation. He would not now discuss the removals of the magistrates; he should be prepared to do that on a fitter occasion. He would now notice some remarkable admissions made in this debate. Why had it been suggested by Mr. Sheil, that in Tipperary the higher classes should be summoned to serve upon the petty juries 2 The answer was furnished by Mr. Sheil's own acknowledgment, that witnessescould not be procured to prove a case of assassination, without a special protection, and a provision for life in a distant country. Lord John Russell had admitted that these murders were constantlyoccurring, not by reason of the policy of any particular Government, but by reason of the general state of Irish society. These were strong admissions as to the necessity of such a Bill for Ireland. The two uestions before the House were, . the constitutional privilege be just now subjected to restraints, and if yes, then shall those restraints be made effectual for their objects : . The latter question would be discussed most fitly in Committee; it was to the former he should chiefly address himself. This restraint, let it be remembered, was first imposed by a domestic Legislature, the Irish Parliament of 1796. In speaking of the evidence of the superintend

ants of the constabulary, he would acknowledge the truth of the general proposition, that the possession of power increases the desire for it; but, surely, on such a subject, the counsels of the coustabulary, concurring with those of themagistrates, deserved attention. This was not, as it was represented to be, a Bill for disarming the Irish people, but a Bill for regulating their possession of arms. Objections had been made to the late judicial appointments. The religion of an individual ought not to be a consideration in his advancement to the Bench, yet with reference to the present circumstances of Ireland, it would be necessary on the reasoning of the Opposition, to select judges because they were Roman Catholics. He stated the meritsand claims of Mr. Lefroy and of Mr. Jackson, and showed that it would have been impossible to pass them over without a mean dereliction of principle. He windicated the minor appointments, and then, taking credit for the impartial line which the Government had adopted on the subject of national education, adverted to Mr. Shaw's Speech of the preceding night, as evidence that they had hazarded and incurred the displeasure of their natural allies, the Protestant party. It had formerly been promised, that if the Roman Catholic Relief Bill were once carried, the priests neither would nor could further exercise a political influence over the people. That measure was granted, and so was Reform, and both of them within three years, but so little did all this conciliation succeed, that immediately afterwards the Ministry, a Whig Ministry, found it necessary to bring in the Coercion Bill, moved

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by Earl Grey in the other House, and by Lord Althorp in this. Earl Grey being succeeded by Lord Melbourne, conciliation took a fresh start ; the Church Temporalities Act, another great concession, having first been passed, then followed the Irish Municipal Act, and this series of concessions, large beyond example, brought him to 1838; in which year, notwithstanding so many conciliatory measures, Lord Morpeth found it necessary to bring in that Arms Bill, which was the basis of the present. Individuals too had been soothed; Mr. Sheil was made Vice-President of the Board of Trade, the Chief Barony of the Irish Exchequer was offered to Mr. O'Connell, and yet, after all this, the Arms Bill of 1838 had been held indispensable. Then came Lord Normanby's Government—that perfect sample of conciliation—and yet Lord Fortescue, when he succeeded to Lord Normanby, found the cry of Repeal so rife throughout Ireland, that he was obliged to announce that no part of the Ministerial patronage would be extended to any one who should join in it. Mr. C. Buller had represented the condition of the Irish people as in progress of deterioration, but the reports of Parliamentary committees proved the very contrary; for instance, of late years more wheat had been grown in Ireland and less exported from it than ever before. We had heard of the duty of conceding to well-expressed popular opinion. How was that opinion to be estimated when the Duke of Wellington, with whose fame it had been truly said by Mr. Sheil, that the world was filled, had been described at a late Irish meeting, as a corporal, a blood-stained Indian

Sepoy, amid the cheers of a vast mob Such was well-expressed popular opinion 1 Many years ago it had been said by Sir S. Romilly, that it would be madness to pass a Bill like this. At a juncture like the present it would be madness and cowardice to refuse it. Mr. Roebuck said, that the present Ministers were only carrying out the principle on which Ireland had been governed for centuries, and which he was now about to impugn. What he had to regret was, that Sir R. Peel had not been wise enough to transcend the liberality of his predecessors. There were four parties to this discussion —the Government—Mr. O'Connell, who threw himself upon the masses of the people—a party in that House, who complained that patronage was not well distributed —and a party who took an independent survey of the question how Ireland ought to be governed. To the last party he himself belonged, and in that view he would look at the several acts on which the Arms Bill was founded. The first of those Acts was passed by the domestic Legislature: the poison, though reptiles will not live in Ireland, was generated there. This Bill hardly differed from its predecessors, and here was the great error of the Government, that they had made their Bill thus similar to those, and had hazarded all this turmoil for such a trifle. But if a Whig Administration, with their conciliatory policy, and with the quiet which they took credit for having thereby produced, found it necessary to have an Arms Bill, then, according to'them, it must be wanted, a fortiori, in a state of less tranquility. After a comparison of some

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