thus created. The honourable Gentleman says, and says truly, that there is a falling-off in the Excise, and attributes that falling-off to the diminished means of the consumer. I admit this falling-off, and I am ready candidly and at once to allow that it arises from diminished consumption; but at the same time I must caution honourable Gentlemen not to be too apt to draw unfavourable and gloomy inferences from the fact. I admit the effect, but I in a great measure attribute the cause to the unfavourable harvest of 1841, I think that the reduction on that account alone has not been less than 910,000.-that is, upon malt alone. There has also been a reduction on the article of spirits, which reduction, however, must not, and ought not to be taken as evidence of the distress in the country, because, depend upon it, that improved habits of temperance are increasing here as well as in Ireland, and those improved habits have a tendency to diminish the consumption of spirits; but I repeat, the deficiency in the Excise has arisen from the reduction in the consumption of malt, which in a great degree was occasioned by the unfavourable harvest of 1841. I am not, be it remembered, contesting the distress of the country-I cannot mention that distress without the deepest regret; but let not honourable Gentlemen misunderstand me-I wish to caution the House against drawing gloomy and unfavourable inferences from these facts and circumstances."

Sir Robert Peel maintained that a great reduction had taken place in the price of articles of subsistence; and in parts of the coun

creased consumption, which justified a hope that the condition of the people was improving. With respect to further alterations, he declared that he adhered to the principles which he had laid down in the last Session; but that he did not now contemplate further immediate or extensive changes. "I did make, with the aid of my hon. friends and colleagues in office, more extensive changes in the commerce, and in the code which regulates the commerce of this country than were made at any former period. If I had contemplated any further immediate and extensive changes, I would at once have proposed them in the course of last year. And why not? I stated last year the general principles on which I should act, and to them, I repeat, I still adhere; but I did not lead the House or the right honourable Gentleman to suppose that I would go on year after year introducing extensive changes. I think it would be infinitely better, when a man has made up his mind as to the changes he contemplates, for him. to propose them in one year, than to propose a certain number in that year, with a secret reservation as to what he would bring forward in the next. Whatever changes I do propose will be in conformity, when I do propose them, with the general principles which I have already laid down, from none of which I recede, and of the truth of which I am perfectly convinced; but, as I said last year, I cannot forget that for this country protection has been the rule; that under it great and extensive interests have grown up; and that, in substituting a better for a defective system, if you proceed too

forts to create contentment you produce distress you run the risk of obstructing the fair and satisfactory progress of right principles. I cannot therefore state that I have any great changes to propose in the commercial code of this country. When I do, it will be in conformity with the principles I have laid down; but I should deceive the right honourable Gentleman if I led him to suppose there would be any such extensive change as he has hinted at this year." In conclusion, he said, that many of the arguments used last year against the present Corn-laws had not been verified by experience; the alteration of the method of taking the averages for instance, had not had the effect of lessening the apparent price 5s., and thus raising the duty. He remained of opinion that the law had not had a sufficient trial to warrant him in proposing its abrogation. He concluded with a renewed and distinct declaration.

"When I introduced the Income-Tax Act, I stated my firm conviction that the effect of the other laws introduced would enable every party to make a saving in his expenditure equivalent to the sum I called from him in the shape of income-tax. I believe that prediction has been fully verified, fand that there has been such a reduction of prices as enables all parties to make a saving equivalent to the amount contributed by them in the shape of income-tax. There will be other opportunities of discussing all these important matters, but as I was asked by the right honourable Gentleman to come forward and declare my intentions, I think it right now to avow that Her Ma

contemplation any amendment of the Corn-laws.”

Lord John Russell disclaimed the intention to express by vote any difference of opinion with respect to the Address which had been moved in answer to the Speech from the Throne, which had been "wisely and judiciously framed to avoid calling for a difference of vote." He concurred with the Seconder of the Address in praising the energy and promptitude with which the Government had directed the forces in China to the attainment of peace; but if there has been any charge made with regard to the means placed at their disposal by the late Government, he should have been prepared to answer it. Before thanks, however, were voted to the Governor-General, and the army in India, according to a notice which had been given, two points ought to be explained; first, there was a rumour that the victories of our troops had been stained by a spirit of revenge and retaliation; and secondly, there was a rumour that at a certain period the Governor-General had issued an order for an immediate retreat of the whole of the forces. Nor could he avoid adverting to two remarkable proclamations: one was a violent party attack on his predecessor, containing also very extraordinary and very shocking doctrines

"The Governor-General states, that he was about to leave Affghanistan to that anarchy which the crimes of the country had created. Now, I should have thought, without disputing the policy of the Executive Government, that if it were thought right to evacuate Affghanistan-if the

country were too great a drain upon the resources of India-if the disasters at Cabul had so created enemies to the British name that it was not possible without great sacrifices and enormous efforts to establish permanently such a government there as Lord Auckland had contemplated-still, despite of all these things, I should have thought the Governor-General, instead of exhibiting feelings of malignant revenge, ought to have endeavoured to leave Affghanistan in the hands of some chief capable of carrying with him the confi. dence of the people of that country, and of reestablishing as much order as possible, and by that means have endeavoured to attain that which Lord Auckland had declared he hoped would be the result of the expedition-namely, the establishment of a government at Affghanistan favourable to the relations of peace with India, and to the developement of industry in that country. It seems by that proclamation, and also by other transactions, such as the burning of the bazaar, as if, contrary to any policy which I can remember in the history of this country, our sole purpose were retaliation and revenge in consequence of the great losses and disasters which we had suffered, instead of a calm and well-considered policy. But But there is another proclamation, the very mention of which almost excites the ridicule of those who have read it, a proclamation so strange that I believe there are many persons in this country who believed at first that it was not genuine. (Laughter.) I have certainly heard of some sagacious individuals who were last year made the dupes of a very clever article in a newspaper pretending

to give an account of a debate in the French Chambers, which article they conceived to be genuine; but when they met with the proclamation of Lord Ellenborough, their sagacity was more alive, and determining not to be taken in a second time, they observed that the other article was so well disguised it was not surprising that they had been deceived by it, but in this instance it was so evident and gross a hoax that they could not. Although there is much of that proclamation that is very absurd-so much so, that the very name of "the despoiled tomb of Sultan Mahmoud looking upon the ruins of Ghuznee" got to be a jest in the country-yet the whole tone and substance of it have a very direct meaning. The honourable Gentleman who moved and seconded the Address spoke of our introducing Christianity into China. Now, much as I desire the introduction of Christianity into China, I could not approve of any attempt that should be inconsistent with the most perfect respect for what other people conscientiously believe. I should, indeed, be sorry to see any attempt, partaking in the least degree of violence, inade or sanctioned by this country for such a purpose; but, on the other hand, that any man coming from this Christian land, who had lived under and enjoyed the benefits of its institutions, and who had been bred in the religion which it professes should pay the respect which that proclamation indicates, to such gross and idolatrous worship, does appear to me to be a proceeding well calculated to lessen the respect which Englishmen and the English Government ought to be regarded with in India.

I am

forts to create contentment you produce distress you run the risk of obstructing the fair and satisfactory progress of right principles. I cannot therefore state that I have any great changes to propose in the commercial code of this country. When I do, it will be in conformity with the principles I have laid down; but I should deceive the right honourable Gentleman if I led him to suppose there would be any such extensive change as he has hinted at this year." In conclusion, he In conclusion, he said, that many of the arguments used last year against the present Corn-laws had not been verified by experience; the alteration of the method of taking the averages for instance, had not had the effect of lessening the apparent price 5s., and thus raising the duty. He remained of opinion that the law had not had a sufficient trial to warrant him in proposing its abrogation. He concluded with a renewed and distinct declaration.

"When I introduced the Income-Tax Act, I stated my firm conviction that the effect of the other laws introduced would enable every party to make a saving in his expenditure equivalent to the sum I called from him in the shape of income-tax. I believe that prediction has been fully verified, fand that there has been such a reduction of prices as enables all parties to make a saving equivalent to the amount contributed by them in the shape of income-tax. There will be other opportunities of discussing all these important matters, but as I was asked by the right honourable Gentleman to come forward and declare my intentions, I think it right now to avow that Her Ma

contemplation any amendment of the Corn-laws."

Lord John Russell disclaimed the intention to express by vote any difference of opinion with respect to the Address which had been moved in answer to the Speech from the Throne, which had been "wisely and judiciously framed to avoid calling for a dif ference of vote." He concurred with the Seconder of the Address

in praising the energy and promptitude with which the Government had directed the forces in China to the attainment of peace; but if there has been any charge made with regard to the means placed at their disposal by the late Government, he should have been prepared to answer it. Before thanks, however, were voted to the Governor-General, and the army in India, according to a notice which had been given, two points ought to be explained; first, there was a rumour that the victories of our troops had been stained by a spirit of revenge and retaliation 1; and secondly, there was a rumour that at a certain period the Governor-General had issued an order for an immediate retreat of the whole of the forces. Nor could he avoid adverting to two remarkable proclamations : one was a violent party attack on his predecessor, containing also very extraordinary and very shocking doctrines

"The Governor-General states, that he was about to leave Affghanistan to that anarchy which the crimes of the country had created. Now, I should have thought, without disputing the policy of the Executive Government, that if it were thought right to evacuate Affghanistan-if the

country were too great a drain upon the resources of India-if the disasters at Cabul had so created enemies to the British name that it was not possible without great sacrifices and enormous efforts to establish permanently such a government there as Lord Auckland had contemplated-still, despite of all these things, I should have thought the Governor-General, instead of exhibiting feelings of malignant revenge, ought to have endeavoured to leave Affghanistan in the hands of some chief capable of carrying with him the confi. dence of the people of that country, and of reestablishing as much order as possible, and by that means have endeavoured to attain that which Lord Auckland had declared he hoped would be the result of the expedition-namely, the establishment of a government at Affghanistan favourable to the relations of peace with India, and to the developement of industry in that country. It seems by that proclamation, and also by other transactions, such as the burning of the bazaar, as if, contrary to any policy which I can remember in the history of this country, our sole purpose were retaliation and revenge in consequence of the great losses and disasters which we had suffered, instead of a calm and well-considered policy. But there is another proclamation, the very mention of which almost excites the ridicule of those who have read it, a proclamation so strange that I believe there are many persons in this country who believed at first that it was not genuine. (Laughter.) I have certainly heard of some sagacious individuals who were last year made the dupes of a very clever article in a newspaper pretending

to give an account of a debate in the French Chambers, which article they conceived to be genuine; but when they met with the proclamation of Lord Ellenborough, their sagacity was more alive, and determining not to be taken in a second time, they observed that the other article was so well disguised it was not surprising that they had been deceived by it, but in this instance it was so evident and gross a hoax that they could not. Although there is much of that proclamation that is very absurd-so much so, that the very name of "the despoiled tomb of Sultan Mahmoud looking upon the ruins of Ghuznee" got to be a jest in the country-yet the whole tone and substance of it have a very direct meaning. The honourable Gentleman who moved and seconded the Address spoke of our introducing Christianity into China. Now, much as I desire the introduction of Christianity into China, I could not approve of any attempt that should be inconsistent with the most perfect respect for what other people conscientiously believe. I should, indeed, be sorry to see any attempt, partaking in the least degree of violence, inade or sanctioned by this country for such a purpose; but, on the other hand, that any man coming from this Christian land, who had lived under and enjoyed the benefits of its institutions, and who had been bred in the religion which it professes should pay the respect which that proclamation that proclamation indicates, to such gross and idolatrous worship, does appear to me to be a proceeding well calculated to lessen the respect which Englishmen and the English Government ought to be regarded with in India. I am