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-displaying the positive filth that lies on the moral surface of this our land. What a figure shall we then cut among the nations of the earth, if, knowing what we do know, seeing what we do see, and feeling what we profess to feel, we fail to remove the abominations and corruptions which are festering in the very heart of our population!" Eventually the Bill was read a second time.

The apprehensions expressed by Sir James Graham on this occasion as to a discussion arising on the subject of the Bill, appeared, as the measure became known and circulated, likely to receive full confirmation. The Dissenting communities throughout the kingdom took up a general alarm on the subject, and gave effect to their opposition with the zeal and activity commonly displayed by those bodies on similar occasions. Meetings were held at Liverpool, Manchester, Brighton, Bath, and other important towns, Roman Catholics as well as Protestant Nonconformists agreeing to denounce the Bill, and a storm of opposition was in a very short time raised, which threatened seriously to impede the plans of the Government.

At a Meeting of Dissenters and others, held at the Free-Trade Hall at Manchester, in the latter part of April, the following resolution, amongst others, was come

to:

"That as neither this Bill nor any modification of it, as yet proposed, sufficiently recognizes the civil and religious equality of all classes of Her Majesty's subjects, this Meeting pledges itself to resist, in every legitimate way, the Bill now before Parliament, and every other measure founded on similar

ference with the rights of conscience."

The Roman Catholics of Bristol, among other resolutions, adopted this:

"That the following are among the grievances contemplated by the proposed Bill, and against which we protest. First, Provision made for the religious instruction of children of the Church of England but not for the religious instruction of the Catholicchildren, or those of any other denomination. Second, The requiring of the children to read the Protestant version of the Holy Scriptures. Third, And to join in prayer with persons differing from them in faith, against the principles of the Catholic religion. Fourth, The necessity of obtaining certificates of attendance on schools which the children cannot conscientiously attend, before they be allowed to enter factories to earn their daily bread. Fifth, The necessity of special notice on the part of parents or sponsors, without which Catholic children will be compelled to attend Protestant religious worship, instruction, &c. Sixth, The being taught from books in which no regard is paid to the religion or feelings of Catholics, as they most frequently contain positive insult to, and misrepresentations of, the Catholic religion."

A very exaggerated degree of alarm was certainly generated by means of the agitation so industriously fomented against this measure, and the mass of petitions which were, in a very short space of time, poured into both Houses of Parliament against it, exceeded all modern precedent. Under these circumstances, the Government were naturally led to reconsider a

to a large section of the community, and Sir James Graham, on the 1st of May, produced in the House of Commons a series of amendments which had been prepared, and made a statement in explanation of their purport. He contrasted the calmness with which the subject had been discussed in the House, with the heat and excitement out of doors; admitting that the number of petitions against the Bill was almost unex. ampled. He alluded to misrepresentations which had been made of the scope and object of the measure; but forbore to dwell upon them. Government had applied themselves honestly and patiently to consider the objections with a view to obtain as much chance as

possible of ultimately arriving at a satisfactory conclusion. He repudiated, however, two imputations against the Bill-one that it had a sinister object in coupling the question of education with that of labour in factories; the other that the Government sought too suddenly to enforce the change. He explained the checks which the Bill, even in its original shape, provided against too sudden an introduction of the system which it purposed to establish. "Before any school for the new scheme can be built, a local subscription of one-third of the cost of the entire building must be got up. When that subscription shall have been obtained, it is necessary as the Bill now stands, that two-but I propose to increase their number to ten-persons qualified to act as trustees, together with the incumbent of the parish, shall make application to the Educational Committee of the Privy Council for assistance. Thus, ten persons, as

memorial for a grant, and that only when one-third of the cost has been subscribed. The memorial being despatched to the Privy Council, they are to determine whether it is such as will justify a grant. If they should be of opinion that the memorial and subscription constitute a prima facie case for conceding the grant, then the course prescribed is, that the Committee of Privy Council is to order the memorial containing the alleged facts to be referred to the Magistrates of the district; who are to call a Special Sessions, of which due notice shall be given; and inquiry having been then instituted upon the subject, a report shall be made thereon to the Privy Council. On that report the Committee is again to deliberate; and it rests with them either to grant or refuse the prayer of the memorial. Supposing the decision of the Committee to be favourable, it will be impossible for them to make any grant separate from the funds granted annually in Committee of Supply. The House will observe how complete is the check and control of Parliament over the whole proceeding; the checks are of such a nature that the measure must operate gradually, slowly, and safely. Next, as to the checks on the change of the schools existing under the National system: first, the Committee of Management of the National Schools must consent to the change of the constitution; next the consent of the Trustees must be obtained; then the consent of the Ordinary; and, lastly, the consent of the Privy Council, upon the joint requisition of these three bodies." He proceeded to consider the objections urged by the

wished, as all must wish, to put down slavery; but the way to put it down was by public opinion, not by prohibiting commerce with the Brazils, and proclaiming that you could not trust to the efficacy of free labour against the labour of slaves.

Mr. G. Berkeley stated it to be impossible that, at the present high wages of colonial labour, the estates could continue to be worked. Let immigration be fairly allowed, and the West Indians would not fear their competitors: but until that should be given, let not the subsisting protection be withdrawn.

The Committee then dividedFor the equalization of duties, 50; Against it, 135: Majority against it, 85.

Mr. Hawes then rose. He said he should not have been content to at once abolish all difference between colonial and foreign duties; but he would propose that, at least, the House should cease to maintain an impost which was equivalent to total prohibition, and should lower the duty to 34s. He did not believe that such a reduction would at all encourage slavery, or the slave trade. It was a measure not sudden or extreme, but one which would prepare the colonists for further steps in the same direction. It would cause some increase both in consumption and in revenue.

Mr. Gladstone did not object, upon general grounds, to the principle of this Motion-nay, but for the peculiar circumstances of the sugar trade, he should gladly have included sugar in the tariff of last year. But he was not prepared to concur in Mr. Hawes's proposal. He did not think it likely to add

being too small to induce an abatement upon the retail price. If, then, no sensible relief would be given to the consumer, it was not desirable to disturb the scale of duties in so important a matter. The sugars of the present day, from the employment of machinery, and from other improvements, were of much better quality than the sugars of the same denomination and price had been a few years ago. He denied that foreigners were so besotted in prejudice as not to see that England, far from being a hypocrite upon the slavery question, had made great sacrifices of her own interests for the sake of abolition. He demonstrated that the reduction of duty on Brazilian sugar must have the effect of encouraging slavery, by stimulating production.

Mr. Labouchere thought the time was come, when sugar ought to be put upon the same footing with other articles of commerce. Mr. Gladstone had not argued that this proposal would be objectionable on commercial or on financial grounds; he had rested his opposition to it solely on its tendency to encourage slavery; the answer to that argument was, that England had already a large trade with the Brazils, consisting mainly in the produce of this very labour. The step now proposed would be beneficial to our own colonists, by substituting for monopoly, with its gambling consequences, a free and wholesome competition. He intimated a wish to know the turn of the negotiations between England and Brazil.

Sir Robert Peel said, that it had been proposed to the government of Brazil to treat for the ad

condition that the Brazilian government would take measures for gradually ameliorating the condition of the slaves in that country, with a view to the final abolition of slavery there; but the Brazilian government had made demands, which precluded such a negotiation; and he lamented to say, that the disposition of that government, and of its people, was not such as to leave much hope of any present advance on the side of emancipation. He denied that the compensation for the slaves had been an equivalent for the whole deterioration of the West Indian properties. He exemplified the He exemplified the general loss from facts relating to particular estates. The silence of the Ministers on Mr. Ewart's Motion had been owing only to a belief on their part, that it would be more convenient for them to make their explanations on the Motion of Mr. Hawes, which involved much the same considerations.

The Committee then divided: for the 34s. duty, 122; against it, 203 majority against it, 81.

The subject of the duties upon another important article of traffic, wool, was brought under discussion on the 17th July, when Mr. Charles Wood moved as an Amendment on the Motion for going into a Committee of Supply-"That the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider so much of the Act 5th and 6th Victoria, c. 47 (Customs Act), as relates to the duties on the importation of foreign sheep and lamb's wool." The trade has been declining for a number of years, going back even before 1819. While the export of British wool has increased from 278,000 pounds in 1827, to 8,578,000 pounds in

yarns (made of a wool not subject to duty) has increased from 2,300,000 pounds in 1835, to 5,700,000 pounds in 1842, the export of woollen cloths of all sorts has fallen from 392,000 in 1839, to 166,000 in 1842. He believed that the country could not be mentioned to which our exports of woollen goods had not decreased. The import of wool at the high duty of 1d. the pound has fallen from 32,000,000 pounds in 1838, to 17,000,000 pounds in 1842. The trade of countries competing with us has increased nearly in the same proportion. The import of colonial wool, not subjected to duty, has increased from 10,000,000 pounds in 1838, to 18,360,000 pounds in 1842. The produce of theld.duty has fallen from 135,000l. in 1838, to 76,000l. in 1842. The depressed state of Leeds is illustrated by the facts, that of 665 gigs, machines used in finishing cloth, last year, 381 were absolutely standing still, and 254 were working short time; and that the amount of wages paid last year in the woollen trade was less than usual by 434,0001.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the Motion. He disputed the value of the statistics quoted by Mr. Wood, alleging that in no other trade was the importation so uncertain. The diminished import of foreign wool was balanced by the importation of colonial wool; and the diminished export of woollen goods, by the increased export of mixed woollen and cotton fabrics.

Sir Robert Peel admitted the force of the argument for reducing the duty; but contended, that the financial state of the country made it impossible to give up

The Amendment was supported by Mr. William Williams, Mr. G. W. Wood, Mr. B. Denison, and Mr. W. R. Stansfield. On a division, it was rejected by 142 to 70.

Among the steps in the direetion of commercial relaxation, to which the present Session gave rise, may be enumerated the repeal, at the instance of Government, of the restrictions on the exportation of machinery, imposed by an Act of King William the Fourth. The President of the Board of Trade brought in a Bill for this purpose, the objects of which he explained, on moving the second reading in the House of Commons. The prohibition to export machinery originated in the belief, that if machinery were detained at home, the goods to be made by it would be produced in this country, and thus trade would be increased. But, in fact, the law is nugatory; and the authorities of the Customs, ever since 1824, have pronounced such a law to be impracticable; so easy is it to export machinery in parts, or under cover of the coasting trade. The effect of the law has been simply to enhance the cost of British machinery to the foreign purchaser; and the consequence is that, to a great extent, the trade has passed from us to Belgium, where there is an increasing trade. It is one almost indigenous with us, meriting as much encouragement as other manufactures; and its export is opposed by no arguments that will not equally apply, for instance, to the export of yarns. Mr. Gladstone quoted authorities in favour of removing the prohibition; and mentioned the case

it had deprived of extensive orders for Sardinia, which had been transferred to Belgium. Another effect of the present law is, to drive the inventor-and the Americans have obtained a name for invention-from resorting to this countey, where they could get their work best executed.

Mr. Hindley professed his assent to the free-trade principle of the Bill; but, with some sarcastic remarks upon the Ministers who had proposed it, after turning their predecessors out of office, for their adherence to similar principles. He objected also to obliging the British manufacturer, with the millstone of the Corn-laws round his neck, to contend against the unfettered foreigner. He moved as an Amendment, that a Select Committee be appointed to consider the laws relating to the exportation of machinery.

Mr. Stuart Wortley expressed some suspicion of the Bill, but ended by saying, he should vote for it, as gradual relaxations of the law had left very little protection to fight for. Mr. Labouchere rejoiced in assisting at the removal of the last prohibition that disfigured the Statute Book, Mr. Cobden supported the Bill, on the broad ground that it did away with one of the monopolies. It received a similar support from Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Ross, Mr. Hume, Mr. Duncan, and Dr. Bowring, Mr. W. Williams doubted its policy; and Sir Robert Ferguson opposed it altogether.

Sir Robert Peel read some extracts from a letter of Mr. Hirdman, of Belfast, showing that the new French tariff had driven France from competition in foreign markets with our linens,

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