by a separate Bill brought in with the sanction of Her Majesty's Government to include the lace factories and the children engaged in printing, thus comprehending all the children employed in all the great branches of our manufactures. There was one omission in his statement which he begged to supply; it was that in all the manufacturing districts the children of any parents, whether those children were employed in factories or not, should have the benefits of education at an expense not exceeding 3d. per week. The education being to some extent compulsory, it would go far to establish a national scheme of instruction upon a large scale.

Lord Ashley concurred in the proposed arrangements regarding education. He regretted that further limitations had not been introduced with regard to the hours of labour, and, as that did not seem to enter into the plan of his right hon. Friend, he (Lord Ashley) should himself propose it in Committee.

Mr. Hindley wished that the hours of labour should be left an open question.

Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.

On the Motion that the B. be read a second time, which came on for discussion on the 24th March, a discussion of considerable interest on the proposed scheme of education took place in the House of Commons, which elicited much variety of opinion. Sir James Graham stated that it was proposed on an early day to go into Committee on the Clauses regulating the hours of labour, but to postpone the Education Clauses until after the Easter recess. Mr.

lips, and several other Members on the Opposition side of the House then started objections to the Education Clauses, as giving a too exclusive management of the schools to the Clergy of the Church of England, to the prejudice of the Dissenters and Roman Catholics; and Mr. Hawes designated it as an attempt to place the education of the great mass of the country in the hands of the Church of England.

Sir James Graham explained that the vote upon the second reading would only determine the question, whether or not the funds of the State should be devoted to the purposes of education n; the details of the method and management of education, and even principles involved in those details, would be open to future discussion.

Lord John Russell admitted that; but he thought a discussion of the objections to the education part of the measure would be useful in limine.

Accordingly, the question that the Bill be read a second time having been formally put, the House launched into the discussion, and the objections already indicated were more specifically stated. The principal were, that although Dissenters formed a majority in the manufacturing districts, and the Roman Catholics were an increasing body, they would be practically excluded from the benefits of the measure, by the composition of the school-trusts, the appointment of a clergyman as a chief trustee, and the approval of the masters by the bishop of the diocese, the power of inspection, which it was assumed would be exercised on behalf of the Estab

ing" of the Scriptures in the schools, which would inevitably be an exposition of doctrines offen sive to Dissenters. These objections were insisted on as fatal to the measure in its present form, by the Members already alluded to. Mr. Ewart suggested, either that the Irish plan should be adopted, and only such portions of the Scriptures used as different denominations could agree upon, or that the system should be altogether freed from its theological part, and confined to secular instruction, religious instruction being left to the various ecclesiastical bodies to which the scholars might severally belong.

Mr.

Hume strongly supported that view. Sir George Grey and Lord John Russell argued for proceeding with the measure, in the view of affording opportunity for such objections to be obviated. Mr. Cob den, admitting the force of the objections, rather supported the measure, as a step in the right direction. The Earl of Surrey, as a Roman Catholic, generally approved the measure, but wished details, objectionable to his own persuasion, to be altered. On the other hand, Sir Robert Inglis took the lead in objecting to the Bill, that it did not "tend to place the Church in so prominent a position, as from the character of the Church it deserved; but he thought that, if well worked, it might produce more benefit than injury to the Church." From these conflicting opinions Mr. Gally Knight inferred that the Government plan was the juste milieu, the golden mean. Mr. Cowper declared it the best practical measure of the kind which had ever come under discussion. Mr. Manners Sutton, Mr. Darby, and others on the

Ministerial side, fully supported the Bill. Such is a general view of the various opinions expressed in this debate.

Sir James Graham spoke rather early in the course of it, answering some objections. He doubted the applicability of the Irish system to England, and he explained that the dreaded "teaching" of the Scriptures would be like that described by Mr. Dunn, the Secretary of the British and Foreign School Society, in evidence before a Committee on the education of the poorer classes, in 1838; the teacher would explain the sense of the passages read, and also doctrines so far as they were involved in that sense, but he would not inculcate sectarian dogmas. Masters offending against such regulations would be liable to removal by the Privy Council. He deprecated the heaping of difficulties in the way of the measure, and urged its imperative necessity; the events of the last autumn had shown that not a moment was to be lost

the youth of the parties gene rally engaged in the outbreak was a remarkable fact; and it was his firm belief, that if a measure of the kind had been carried ten years ago, the outrages would not have taken place. The object the Government had in view was to supply a measure of education extensive in its operation, consonant with the principles of the Established Church, and at the same time to the utmost extent consistent with the honest principle of toleration.

The arguments respecting the necessity of the measure were earnestly enforced by Lord Ashley. Alluding to late inquiries, he said

"Without remorse we have disclosed our disgraceful position

-displaying the positive filth that lies on the moral surface of this our land. What a figure shall we then cut among the nations of the earth, if, knowing what we do know, seeing what we do see, and feeling what we profess to feel, we fail to remove the abominations and corruptions which are festering in the very heart of our population!" Eventually the Bill was read a second time.

The apprehensions expressed by Sir James Graham on this occasion as to a discussion arising on the subject of the Bill, appeared, as the measure became known and circulated, likely to receive full confirmation. The Dissenting communities throughout the kingdom took up a general alarm on the subject, and gave effect to their opposition with the zeal and activity commonly displayed by those bodies on similar occasions. Meetings were held at Liverpool, Manchester, Brighton, Bath, and other important towns, Roman Catholics as well as Protestant Nonconformists agreeing to denounce the Bill, and a storm of opposition was in a very short time raised, which threatened seriously to impede the plans of the Government.

At a Meeting of Dissenters and others, held at the Free-Trade Hall at Manchester, in the latter part of April, the following resolution, amongst others, was come

to:

"That as neither this Bill nor any modification of it, as yet proposed, sufficiently recognizes the civil and religious equality of all classes of Her Majesty's subjects, this Meeting pledges itself to resist, in every legitimate way, the Bill now before Parliament, and every other measure founded on similar

ference with the rights of conscience."

The Roman Catholics of Bristol, among other resolutions, adopted this:

"That the following are among the grievances contemplated by the proposed Bill, and against which we protest. First, Provision made for the religious instruction of children of the Church of England but not for the religious instruction of the Catholicchildren, or those of any other denomination. Second, The requiring of the children to read the Protestant version of the Holy Scriptures. Third, And to join in prayer with persons differing from them in faith, against the principles of the Catholic religion. Fourth, The necessity of obtaining certificates of attendance on schools which the children cannot conscientiously attend, before they be allowed to enter factories to earn their daily bread. Fifth, The necessity of special notice on the part of parents or sponsors, without which Catholic children will be compelled to attend Protestant religious worship, instruction, &c. Sixth, The being taught from books in which no regard is paid to the religion or feelings of Catholics, as they most frequently contain positive insult to, and misrepresentations of, the Catholic religion."

A very exaggerated degree of alarm was certainly generated by means of the agitation so industriously fomented against this measure, and the mass of petitions which were, in a very short space of time, poured into both Houses of Parliament against it, exceeded all modern precedent. Under these circumstances, the Government were naturally led to reconsider a

to a large section of the community, and Sir James Graham, on the 1st of May, produced in the House of Commons a series of amendments which had been prepared, and made a statement in explanation of their purport. He contrasted the calmness with which the subject had been discussed in the House, with the heat and excitement out of doors; admitting that the number of petitions against the Bill was almost unex. ampled. He alluded to misrepresentations which had been made of the scope and object of the measure; but forbore to dwell upon them. Government had applied themselves honestly and patiently to consider the objections with a view to obtain as much chance as possible of ultimately arriving at a satisfactory conclusion. He repudiated, however, two imputations against the Bill-one that it had a sinister object in coupling the question of education with that of labour in factories; the other that the Government sought too suddenly to enforce the change. He explained the checks which the Bill, even in its original shape, provided against too sudden an introduction of the system which it purposed to establish. Before any school for the new scheme can be built, a local subscription of one-third of the cost of the entire building must be got up. When that subscription shall have been obtained, it is necessary as the Bill now stands, that two-but I propose to increase their number to ten-persons qualified to act as trustees, together with the incumbent of the parish, shall make application to the Educational Committee of the Privy Council for assistance. Thus, ten persons, as

memorial for a grant, and that only when one-third of the cost has been subscribed. The memorial being despatched to the Privy Council, they are to determine whether it is such as will justify a grant. If they should be of opinion that the memorial and subscription constitute a prima facie case for conceding the grant, then the course prescribed is, that the Committee of Privy Council is to order the memorial containing the alleged facts to be referred to the Magistrates of the district; who are to call a Special Sessions, of which due notice shall be given; and inquiry having been then instituted upon the subject, a report shall be made thereon to the Privy Council. On that report the Committee is again to deliberate; and it rests with them either to grant or refuse the prayer of the memorial. Supposing the decision of the Committee to be favourable, it will be impossible for them to make any grant separate from the funds granted annually in Committee of Supply. The House will observe how complete is the check and control of Parliament over the whole proceeding; the checks are of such a nature that the measure must operate gradually, slowly, and safely. Next, as to the checks on the change of the schools existing under the National system: first, the Committee of Management of the National Schools must consent to the change of the constitution; next the consent of the Trustees must be obtained; then the consent of the Ordinary; and, lastly, the consent of the Privy Council, upon the joint requisition of these three bodies." He proceeded to consider the objections urged by the

served, he said, to be received with great respect, particularly when the immense exertions made by them for the establishment of Sunday-schools were considered. He thought that the objections to the provision relating to schools on Sundays had arisen less from the actual intention of the framers, than from the wording of the Bill. He proposed to substitute for a clause, under which attendance at Divine Service on Sunday, Christmas-day, and Good Friday was at first made obligatory, a permissive one, providing religious instruction in the principles of the Church of England for "every young person who may wish to attend school at those times;" the recipients of such instruction to attend the Divine worship of the Church of England once in each such day in a chapel selected by the clerical trustee. The clause thus reserved to the parent or guardian a free discretion; for members of the Church of England, whose children attended the school on week-days, might if they preferred send them to another school on the Sunday. It would also be provided, that in Protestant schools only the authorised version of the Scriptures should be used; and the Roman Catholic factory-master would be deprived of the power which he at present possessed of compelling the attendance of Protestant children at his own private school. It had been objected that instruction in the Catechism and Liturgy during one hour on each day would interfere with the progress of study of Dissenters' children : he proposed to substitute new enactments

"I provide that the instruction in the Catechism and the Liturgy

one hour during three days out of the five of the week, should, under the direction of the trustee, be supplied either on the first or the last of the three hours appointed for that purpose. I then go on to provide that this instruction shall be given in a class-room apart from the school-room, and separate from that where the Dissenting children are instructed. It is in the power of the Ecclesiastical trustee to make the selection of books to be used in the schoo! ; and as that selection may vary in conformity with the peculiar opinions of the trustee, I have provided that all religious books should be used under the sanction of the two Archbishops. I then propose that no Inspector shall inquire into the religious instruction of Church-of-England children, unless under the authority of one Archbishop, or of the Bishop of the Diocese."

By a clause of the Bill as it before stood with relation to the children of Protestant Dissenters, it was enacted, that any person who should object to have his children receive religious instruction, should state specifically the grounds on which he rested his objection. Objection had been taken to this clause on a religious ground; and it had been said that it was an invidious thing to call on the Dissenter to state any peculiar objections he might have to the mode of instruction provided for his children. "I have provided that it shall be competent for any person, even a Church-of-England man, to object to the mode of instruction, without stating particulars. I then propose that it shall be distinctly enacted, that during the first or last hour of the three