slave; and I want to know are you willing to follow my example?" "But you have this material for an Irish leader in me, that I never will relax my exertions until victory is mine." "Idle sentiments will not do. It will not do to say you like to be free. What care I for your liking it, if you do not reduce it into action? The man who thinks, and does not act upon his thoughts, is a scoundrel who does not deserve to be free." "Spread this around every one who is not for Ireland is against me." "You could not expect any good thing from an English Parliament towards Ireland." Mr. O'Connell upon this occasion adverted to the physical force by which he had been surrounded that morning. He recalled to the memory of those who heard him the battles of Aughrim and the Boyne. He called on the young men present to say whether they would be slaves. He said he would be in his grave or he would be free; that idle sentiments would not do; that they must act upon their thoughts; that they had nothing to hope from an English Parliament. They must follow his example-they must go to their graves or they must be freemen, and that they were not to look to the English Parlia

ment.

Numerous other meetings, of a similar nature and characterised by similar language, were held in various parts of the country. One held at Mullingar, on the 14th May, which was Sunday, a day frequently selected for the purpose, was remarkable for the prominent part taken by the Roman Catholic Clergy. Among those present were Dr. Cantwell, Ro

Dr. Higgins, Roman Catholic Bishop of Ardagh, and many of the clergy of those two dioceses. There were also 500 or 600 farmers, and the whole number present was variously computed at from 100,000 to 130,000. Mr. O'Connell stated, that what he required was, that the people should pay "a farthing a week, a penny a month, a shilling a year, with four weeks for nothing." He spoke exultingly of the large amounts, 600l. or 7001. a week, coming in to the Repeal Treasury. At the Dinner which followed, the health of Dr. Higgins being drunk, he responded in very remarkable terms:

"I wish to state, that I have every reason to believe, I may add that I know, that every Catholic Bishop in Ireland, without an exception, is an ardent Repealer. (Enthusiastic cheers, which lasted for several minutes, and in which Mr. O'Connell heartily joined. Mr. O'Connell exclaimed "Let Bobby Peel hear that." Renewed cheers.) I know that virtually you all have reason to believe that the Bishops of Ireland were Repealers; but I have now again formally to announce to you that they have all declared themselves as such, and that from shore to shore we are now all Repealers. (Mr. O'Connell

"That is the best news I ever heard." Cheers) I for one defy all the Ministers of England to put down the agitation in the diocese of Ardagh. (Mr. O'Connell-" Hurrah now for the Repeal!") If they attempt, my friends, to rob us of the daylight, which is, I believe, common to all, and prevent us from assembling in the open fields, we will retire to our chapels; and we will suspend

devote all our time to teaching the people to be Repealers in spite of them. (Cheers.) If they beset our temples, and mix our people with spies, we will prepare our people for the circumstances; and if they bring us for that to the scaffold, in dying for the cause of our country we will bequeath our wrongs to our successors." (The entire assembly here rose, and continued cheering in the most enthusiastic manner for several minutes.) It would occupy much more space than can be afforded in these pages to notice the proceedings connected with the very numerous meetings of a similar nature which took place during the tour of agitation that Mr. O'Connell performed between the months of March and August, in various districts of the country. The same sentiments, the same style of exhortation to the people, and defiance of the Government, only varied occasionally by a bolder and franker avowal of hostility to the law, and determination to wrest Repeal from England, pervaded the addresses which the leaders delivered on those occasions. It is observable that no petitions to Parliament were adopted or proposed at any of these meetings: so little was it thought necessary to disguise the object of convoking them under the forms of legality. Peace and tranquillity, it is true, were constantly prescribed by the leading agitators in words; but such formal exhortations were, of course, likely to prove weak antidotes against the strongly stimulating language with which the feelings of the hearers had been previously stirred up, and the thinly-disguised suggestions by which hostility to the

as the first duty of patriotism. The efforts of the orators on the platform were seconded with corresponding zeal by their coadjutors of the Press. A newspaper called the Nation, in particular, distinguished itself by the most vehement and stirring advocacy of the Repeal cause, and co-operated powerfully with the leaders of the movement in exciting the popular mind of Ireland toward the prosecution of their object. As if prose, with all the fire and vehemence which the spirit of Irish rhetoric could impart to it, were not a sufficiently powerful engine to work up men's feelings to the required pitch, poetry was called in aid, and the columns of the paper were filled with songs and odes, many of them turning on the events of the year 1798, and the efforts and sufferings of the insurgents of that time. Some of these ardent compositions were afterwards published in a separate volume, entitled "The Spirit of the Nation." The most serious alarms were excited in the minds both of the Irish Protestants, and of a large portion of the English public, by these startling demonstrations of physical force and hostility to that connection with England on which the prosperity of both countries was considered so materially to depend. The former class, though strong in property and intelligence, being comparatively weak in numbers, began to tremble for their lives and properties in the midst of a population to whose lawless rage, in case of an outbreak, they deemed themselves likely to be the first victims, while a large portion of the English community saw with indignation and alarm the authority of

O'Connell and his associates, sedition becoming more rampant and audacious by impunity, and the country drawing every day nearer to the crisis of rebellion and civil war. Urgent representations were were made to the Government in consequence, to induce them to adopt some energetic measures for the suppression of this dangerous agitation, and the subject was more than once brought before Parliament, as has been already shown in a former chapter of this volume. The Ministry, however, declined to apply to Parliament for extraordinary powers beyond the enactment of the Irish Arms Bill, of which an account has been before given, stating their conviction that the ordinary powers of the law, which they were resolved to maintain, would be found sufficient to meet the juncture. One important step, however, was taken by way of discountenancing the proceed ings of those engaged in the Repeal movement. The Chancellor of Ireland, Sir Edward Sugden, took the course of removing from the Commission of the Peace the names of those Magistrates who attended or participated in any of the Repeal meetings. Lord Ffrench and a considerable number of gentlemen acting in the Commission, incurred this penalty, and the suppression of so many persons of station and fortune excited a good deal of feeling at the time, and led to some angry correspondence and altercation. This proceeding also occasioned several discussions in Parliament, as will appear by reference to the foregoing chapter.

As time advanced, and the Government still exhibited no sign of activity, the designs of the Repealers grew more developed, and

of the later meetings were characterised, not only by increased numbers of attendants, but by language which passed even the usual bounds of temerity. On the 15th August there was an immense muster, computed according to the highest calculation at a million of persons, at the lowest at 250,000, at a place called Tara, -a name made famous by the beautiful lines of Moore. This spot appears to have been selected for the purpose on a double account. It was the place where the ancient monarchs of Ireland were elected; it was also the scene of a battle in the outbreak of 1798, in which the rebels were defeated. Mr. O'Connell here "spoke out" with unequivocal significancy. Impunity had made him incautious, and he now seemed to think himself above the law, whose terrors he had so often braved with success. Addressing the immense multitude, he said:-"Yes, the overwhelming majesty of your multitude will be taken to England, and will have its effect there. The Duke of Wellington began by threatening us. He talked of civil war; but he does not say a single word about that now. He is now getting eylet-holes made in the old barracks. And only think of an old general doing such a thing-just as if we were going to break our heads against stone walls! I am glad to find that a great quantity of brandy and biscuit has been lately imported, and I hope the poor soldiers get some of them. But the Duke of Wellington is now talking of attacking us, and I am glad of it. But I tell him this, I mean no disrespect to the brave, the gallant, and the good conducted soldiers that compose

have their friends appointed to the Ministry. The Irish Parliament will then assemble, and I defy all the generals, old and young, and all the old women in pantaloons-nay, I defy all the chivalry of the earth to take away that Parliament from us again. Give me 3,000,000 of Repealers, and I will soon have them. The next step is being taken, and I announce to you from this spot, that all the magistrates that have been deprived of the commission of the peace shall be appointed by the association to settle all the disputes and differences in their neighbourhoods. Keep out of the petty sessions court, and go not to them. On next Monday we will submit a plan to choose persons to be arbitrators, to settle the differences of the people without expense, and I call on every man who wishes to be thought the friend of Ireland to have his dispute settled by the arbitrators, and not again to go to the petty sessions We shall shortly have the Preservative Society, to arrange the means of procuring from her Majesty the exercise of her prerogative; and I believe I am able to announce to you, that twelve months cannot possibly elapse without having an hurrah for our Parliament in College-green. Remember, I pronounce the Union to be null-to be obeyed as an injustice must be obeyed where it is supported by law, until we have the Royal authority to set the matter right, and substitute our own Parliament."

Afterwards, at the dinner, continuing the same strain, he said: "But he is no statesman who does not recollect the might that slumbers in a peasant's arm; and

by vulgar arithmetic, to the extent of 600,000 or 700,000, is the man a statesman or driveller who expects that might will always slumber amidst grievances continued and oppression endured too long, and the determination to allow them to cure themselves, and not take active measures to prevent the outbreak which sooner or later will be the consequence of the present afflicted state of Ireland? I say sooner or later, because I venture to assert, while I live myself that outbreak will not take place; but sooner or later, if they do not correct the evil, and restore to Ireland her power of self-government, the day will come when they will rue their present want of policy, and will weep, perhaps, in tears of blood, for their want of consideration and kindness to a country whose people could reward them amply by the devotion of their hearts and the vigour of their arms. I now turn to the gentry of Ireland. Let them first answer the question I have already put to them-is it possible things can remain as they are? And I defy them to produce from the congregated millions of Irishmen a single man who will answer that question in the affirmative. It is impossible they should remain as they are. Why, then, do they not join us? Is it not their interest to join us? What are they afraid of? It cannot be of the people, for they are under the strictest discipline. 1 am even one of them myself, and no general ever had an army more submissive to his commands, than the people of Ireland are to the wishes of a single individual."

Another "monster meeting " followed on the 20th August, at