and 1833. This speech made a great sensation, and was in substance as follows:

M. Guizot said, that he was in a condition to reply to all the questions which might be addressed to him for the sake of embarrassing the Cabinet. He had been condemned for remaining at the head of the Foreign Department after the vote of the Chambers last Session. He esteemed power, but did not hold to it. He had advised the Crown to conclude the treaty of 1841, and he had likewise advised its non-ratification. He had himself refused to sign the treaty which had been prepared by the framer of the treaty of the 15th of July, 1840, because he considered it beneath the dignity of France and his own. After the fall of Lord Palmerston, the next Cabinet had proposed to him to sign two treaties, which it found ready prepared, one for the repression of the slave-trade, and the other for extending the commercial relations already existing between the two countries. The latter he objected to; but he thought that by accepting the other, he should give a pledge to England of the willingness of France to live on good terms with the new Cabinet. If he had remained in power and refused to ratify the treaty of 1841, it was because he would not, for a trifling consideration, abandon the defence of the Government and the Conservative policy. He had another reason of a personal nature - he regarded himself better placed than another to prevail on the Powers to accept the non-ratification, without any perilous consequences for the country, from his having sincerely advocated in the Chambers the prin

the good fortune to make England and the other European Governments consent to the non-ratification of the treaty, without uttering a word of reproach, and claimed great honour for having thus been instrumental in extricating his country from the critical situation in which it was placed. M. Guizot then proceeded to examine the conventions of 1831 and 1833, which he maintained had been for the first time strictly executed since his entering into the Ministry. It was he who had insisted on the execution of the article stipulating the annual fixation of the number of cruisers, and demanded that the cruisers should remain attached to the station for which the warrants had been specially issued, and that their number should be equal for both countries. M. Guizot then contended that there existed no chance that a new negotiation for the revision of those treaties would be attended with success, and that such a negotiation would, as he had already stated in the House of Peers, end in an act of weakness or folly. For his part, he should not take the initiative of such a proposition, until he believed with sincerity and with a deep conviction, that a negotiation of the kind might obtain a favourable result. M. Guizot afterwards vindicated himself against the charge of having made too many concessions to England, and mentioned several instances in which he had resisted her pretensions. He admitted, however, having done a great deal to maintain his country on good terms with England, because he was intimately convinced that the Government of Great Britain, the

bore no ill-will to France; that, on the contrary, they professed the highest esteem for her, and were animated with a sincere desire of continuing at peace with her; and that it would require real events, and not mere newspaper articles, to impair that good feeling of England towards France. France, besides, was particularly interested in maintaining those good relations, if she wished to avert the formation of a new coalition against her. Such a friend and ally was indispensable for France. England required no sacrifice as the price of her amity. (M. Garnier Pages, a deputy of the Left, here stood up, and exclaimed, "This is an English speech!" A great tumult ensued. The Members of the Centre loudly demanded that M. Garnier Pages be called to order; but the President took no notice of this clamorous invitation.) M. Guizot continued:-I think that I have said nothing that cannot be avowed by the best Frenchman. (" Yes, yes!" from the Centre; "No, no!" from the Left.) M. Guizot then proceeded to show that his endeavours to re-establish the good relations between the two countries had been crowned with success. Thus he had concluded conventions which had ever presented insuperable difficulties on matters. He had adjusted the long pending affair of Portendic, and signed with England a Post-office convention, another convention relative to extradition, and a fourth concerning the fisheries on the French coast. The British Mi nistry, he would say, had evinced throughout a spirit of moderation, goodwill, and equity, which had greatly facilitated the issue of the

cluded by declaring, that the Government would not consent to open any immediate negotiation for the revision of the treaties of 1831 and 1833, nor accept a mission which he considered contrary to the honour and well-understood interests of the country.

The chief feature in the debate that followed on this subject, was the emphatic declaration of Marshal Soult, that Ministers " accepted" the situation, in which the paragraph introduced by the Committee placed them, and that he cordially adopted the sentiments of M. Guizot. The gallant Marshal said-" Much has been said of the English alliance. I declare, as I did some years back, that I am a warm partisan of that alliance. I had occasion to say it in this place on my return from London, when I called to mind that I had learned to estimate the Eng lish nation on the fields of battle. I fought the English down to Toulouse ("You mean at Waterloo.")-yes, at Waterloo. I was there; I was by the side of Cambronne when he said, 'The Guard dies, but never surrenders.' (Great interruption.) I repeat that I fought them down to Toulouse, when I defended the national independence, and fired the last cannon for it. In the meantime, I have been to London, and France knows the reception which I had. (Yes, yes!" A voice The English themselves said, Vive Soult!' they cried Soult for ever !') I repeat then, that I am a warm partisan of the English alliance but in saying so, do I say that I ever forgot-President of the Council, Marshal Soult, private soldier-that I ever forgot the independence and honour of

avowal which I now make, and which I shall always make, if the chances of war were again to arrive, either with England or with any power, I would sacrifice for my country my last breath of life! I would, like Marshal Saxe at Fontenoy, have myself borne to the field of battle on a bier, if necessary." (Continued cheers.)

This declaration of Ministers, that they would not oppose the insertion of the paragraph in the Address, but yet would not act upon it if carried, according to the determination expressed by M. Guizot, not to demand of England a revision of the treaties of 1831 and 1833, greatly disappointed the hopes of the Opposition, who found that they were outgeneralled; for by this stroke of policy, the Ministry escaped the appearance of a defeat, and yet in no degree compromised their principles.

Ultimately, on the 3rd of February, the Address was carried by a majority of 177; the numbers being-for the Address, 278; against it, 101.

A perusal of this debate in both Chambers, will show how strongly at the commencement of the present year an anti-English feeling prevailed in France. The most vehement advocates of freedom seemed disposed to allow the slavetrade to be carried on with impunity, rather than subject the French flag to an imaginary degradation, by conceding the Right of Search; and in truth, the very idea that such a right as that contended for by Great Britain could be derogatory to any nation, was never entertained in France, until the question had been raised by America, which was no party to

to the proposed treaty of 1841, which France, although she at first assented to it, subsequently refused to ratify. Nor would the conduct of America on this occasion have roused the dormant sensibilities of the French, had not their pride been wounded by the leading part which Great Britain took in settling the difficult dis. pute between Mehemet Ali and the Sublime Porte, when France thought fit to isolate herself, in a spirit of sullen and offended dignity from the other great Powers of Europe. But the existence of such a feeling in the nation, makes the conduct of M. Guizot and his colleagues more honourable and praiseworthy-for they had the moral courage to oppose the unjust and unworthy prejudices of their countrymen on this subject; and endeavoured to induce a more healthy tone of friendship and goodwill towards Great Britain.

In the beginning of March, an animated debate arose in the Chamber of Deputies on the Secret Service Fund Bill, which was understood to involve the question of confidence in the Ministry. In the Committee that was appointed to prepare the Bill, Ministers were enabled to place six out of the nine Members chosen for that purpose, and the general discussion commenced on the 1st of March. In the course of it, M. de Lamartine made another vigorous attack on the Cabinet, in a speech which embraced a very wide range of topics-he said that England exercised undue influence in Europe, and Russia in Turkey; and asked whether Spain ought not to be in the same manner dependent on France? He reproached the Ministry for not having exerted

bore no ill-will to France; that, on the contrary, they professed the highest esteem for her, and were animated with a sincere desire of continuing at peace with her; and that it would require real events, and not mere newspaper articles, to impair that good feeling of England towards France. France, besides, was particularly interested in maintaining those good relations, if she wished to avert the formation of a new coalition against her. Such a friend and ally was indispensable for France. England required no sacrifice as the price of her amity. (M. Garnier Pages, a deputy of the Left, here stood up, and exclaimed, "This is an English speech!" A great tumult ensued. The Members of the Centre loudly demanded that M. Garnier Pages be called to order; but the President took no notice of this clamorous invitation.) M. Guizot continued:-I think that I have said nothing that cannot be avowed by the best Frenchman. ("Yes, yes!" from the Centre; "No, no!" from the Left.) M. Guizot then proceeded to show that his endeavours to re-establish the good relations between the two coun tries had been crowned with success. Thus he had concluded con. ventions which had ever presented insuperable difficulties on matters. He had adjusted the long pending affair of Portendic, and signed with England a Post-office convention, another convention relative to extradition, and a fourth concerning the fisheries on the French coast. The British Mi nistry, he would say, had evinced throughout a spirit of moderation, goodwill, and equity, which had greatly facilitated the issue of the

cluded by declaring, that the Government would not consent to open any immediate negotiation for the revision of the treaties of 1831 and 1833, nor accept a mission which he considered contrary to the honour and well-understood interests of the country.

The chief feature in the debate that followed on this subject, was the emphatic declaration of Marshal Soult, that Ministers "accepted" the situation, in which the paragraph introduced by the Committee placed them, and that he cordially adopted the sentiments of M. Guizot. The gallant Marshal said-" Much has been said of the English alliance. I declare, as I did some years back, that I am a warm partisan of that alliance. I had occasion to say it in this place on my return from London, when I called to mind that I had learned to estimate the English nation on the fields of battle. I fought the English down to Toulouse("You mean at Waterloo.")-yes, at Waterloo. I was there; I was by the side of Cambronne when he said, The Guard dies, but never surrenders.' (Great interruption.) I repeat that I fought them down to Toulouse, when I defended the national independence, and fired the last cannon for it. In the meantime, I have been to London, and France knows the reception which I had. (Yes, yes!' A voice The English themselves said, Vive Soult!' they cried Soult for ever!') I repeat then, that I am a warm partisan of the English alliance: but in saying so, do I say that I ever forgot-President of the Council, Marshal Soult, private soldier-that I ever forgot the independence and honour of

avowal which I now make, and which I shall always make, if the chances of war were again to arrive, either with England or with any power, I would sacrifice for my country my last breath of life! I would, like Marshal Saxe at Fontenoy, have myself borne to the field of battle on a bier, if necessary." (Continued cheers.)

This declaration of Ministers, that they would not oppose the insertion of the paragraph in the Address, but yet would not act upon it if carried, according to the determination expressed by M. Guizot, not to demand of England a revision of the treaties of 1831 and 1833, greatly disappointed the hopes of the Opposition, who found that they were outgeneralled; for by this stroke of policy, the Ministry escaped the appearance of a defeat, and yet in no degree compromised their principles.

Ultimately, on the 3rd of February, the Address was carried by a majority of 177; the num. bers being-for the Address, 278; against it, 101.

A perusal of this debate in both Chambers, will show how strongly at the commencement of the present year an anti-English feeling prevailed in France. The most vehement advocates of freedom seemed disposed to allow the slavetrade to be carried on with impunity, rather than subject the French flag to an imaginary de. gradation, by conceding the Right of Search; and in truth, the very idea that such a right as that contended for by Great Britain could be derogatory to any nation, was never entertained in France, until the question had been raised by America, which was no party to

to the proposed treaty of 1841, which France, although she at first assented to it, subsequently refused to ratify. Nor would the conduct of America on this occasion have roused the dormant sensibilities of the French, had not their pride been wounded by the leading part which Great Britain took in settling the difficult dis. pute between Mehemet Ali and the Sublime Porte, when France thought fit to isolate herself, in a spirit of sullen and offended dignity from the other great Powers of Europe. But the existence of such a feeling in the nation, makes the conduct of M. Guizot and his colleagues more honourable and praiseworthy-for they had the moral courage to oppose the unjust and unworthy prejudices of their countrymen on this subject; and endeavoured to induce a more healthy tone of friendship and goodwill towards Great Britain.

In the beginning of March, an animated debate arose in the Chamber of Deputies on the Secret Service Fund Bill, which was understood to involve the question of confidence in the Ministry. In the Committee that was appointed to prepare the Bill, Ministers were enabled to place six out of the nine Members chosen for that purpose, and the general discussion commenced on the 1st of March. In the course of it, M. de Lamartine made another vigorous attack on the Cabinet, in a speech which embraced a very wide range of topics-he said that England exercised undue influence in Europe, and Russia in Turkey; and asked whether Spain ought not to be in the same manner dependent on France? He reproached the Ministry for not having exerted