tural interest of both North and South is equally depressed. The opinion has become somewhat current, that with England an arrangement might be made favourable to our great agricultural interest. The agreement must, of course, be founded on an adequate consideration. But as to the ob jects of the agreement, which it is supposed may be favourable to the United States, I may mention the admission into England for consumption, at lower rates of duty, of several of our large agricultural products. It has been supposed, for example, that England may be induced to make important reductions in her duties on tobacco; I confess I have never been able to see why not. The tobacco.duty in England is a mere matter of revenue; there is no collateral or ulterior object in it. The question, therefore, in the minds of English statesmen, as it seems to me, can only be, whether a reduction of the duty will diminish the aggregate of revenue? We all know that it often increases this aggregate; and in regard to this article, a reduction of duty of onehalf should augment importation one-half: and it is clearly of equal benefit to the English revenue. It is supposed, too, that the duty on rice may undergo a material and beneficial change; and this is an article now as much depressed as any other. There again is this great product of our own in the United States-maize, or, as it is called, Indian corn. I have not heard a suggestion from any quarter that England would be inclined to a modification of her Cornlaws, properly so called, I mean her duties on wheat and flour but it has been suggested I ; bility, and I beg it may be received as merely a suggestion of my own-I have heard it suggested, that in regard to this article of wholesome and cheap food, England might be induced to place upon its importation a low and fixed rate of duty. For what inducement may we hope that this concession may be obtained? Undoubtedly, the only inducement we could hold out to England would be a modification of the tariff of the United States. This proposition may seem unwise, because the tariff is not for revenue only but for protection also; and how far both or either of these objects could be firmly maintained under any modification of the tariff, is a question of great delicacy and great difficulty. My experience has not given me clear knowledge of it; but this I do know, that by making the tariff stable and firm, we shall render it healthful and judicious. If by any great operation that should unite the interests and opinions of all parts of the country we can place the productions of American industry and American labour on a permanent foundation, that is a much more important consideration than the degree to which protection may be extended." In July several changes occurred in the Cabinet of the President, which was thus remodelled: The honourable A. P. Upshar, Secretary of State; J. C. Spencer, Secretary of the Treasury; J. M. Porter, Secretary of War; D. Henshaw, Secretary of the Navy ; C. A. Wickliffe, Postmaster-General; and J. Nelson, AttorneyGeneral. Subsequently, however, Mr. Gilmer was appointed Secretary of the Navy in the place of Very little occurred during the rest of the year of general interest. That which most nearly concerned ourselves was the sympathy manifested in different parts of the United States with the efforts of the Irish Repealers, and some very violent language in the usual exaggerated style of American eloquence was held by different speakers. Perhaps the most ridiculous exhibition of ignorance and bombast that has occurred on either side of the Atlantic was that made by Mr. Robert Tyler, a son of the President, at an Irish Repeal meeting in New York, on the 29th of August. After stating that he appeared" to denounce a Government which I hate," and that he "abhorred the history of the British Government," and that he (Mr. Robert Tyler) demanded"legislative emancipation for Ireland in the name of the enlightened age in which we live," he proceeded to conjure up a picture of Ireland as a country where his audience would find the "churches desecrated, daughters ravished in sight of mothers, sons slain, and Ireland's halls of justice turned into worse than Saturnalian orgies, and where the British judge has stained his very ermine with the blood of victims ;" and stated that "Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington have declared that Ireland must be put down, and that she can be put down in twenty four hours; and that, if need be, they can cover that ill-fated land with the bones of her murdered children." We forbear to offend our readers with any more specimens of such trash. During the autumn, the most absorbing subject of interest to tion of Members to Congress, and the struggle assumed a more than ordinary degree of importance, from the fact of its being a trial of strength between the supporters of the rival candidates for the high office of President. The election of President was to take place in November, 1844, and the result of the elections would afford the means of judging as to who was likely to be the successful candidates. The chief contest lay between the friends of Mr. Clay, one of the principal leaders of the Whig or (in America) Conservative party, and Mr. Van Buren, the head of the Loco-foco, or Democratic party. Mr. Calhoun was another formidable candidate. The result of the elections was in favour of the party of Mr. Van Buren. Congress met early in December, and Mr. Jones, of Virginia, a decided partisan of Mr. Van Buren, was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. But the acts and proceedings of the newlyelected Congress will be recorded in our next volume. We give the most important passages from the Message delivered by President Tyler on the opening of the new Congress. "If any people ever had cause to render up thanks to the Supreme Being for parental care and protection extended to them in all the trials and difficulties to which they have been from time to time exposed, we certainly are that people. From the first settlement of our forefathers on this continentthrough the dangers attendant upon the occupation of a savage wilderness-through a long period of colonial dependence-through the war of the Revolution-in the wisdom which led to the adoption tural interest of both North and South is equally depressed. The opinion has become somewhat current, that with England an arrangement might be made favourable to our great agricultural interest. The agreement must, of course, be founded on an adequate consideration. But as to the ob jects of the agreement, which it is supposed may be favourable to the United States, I may mention the admission into England for consumption, at lower rates of duty, of several of our large agricultural products. It has been supposed, for example, that England may be induced to make important reductions in her duties on tobacco; I confess I have never been able to see why not. The tobacco-duty in England is a mere matter of revenue; there is no collateral or ulterior object in it. The question, therefore, in the minds of English statesmen, as it seems to me, can only be, whether a reduction of the duty will diminish the aggregate of revenue? We all know that it often increases this aggregate; and in regard to this article, a reduction of duty of onehalf should augment importation one-half: and it is clearly of equal benefit to the English revenue. It is supposed, too, that the duty on rice may undergo a material and beneficial change; and this is an article now as much depressed as any other. There again is this great product of our own in the United States-maize, or, as it is called, Indian corn. I have not heard a suggestion from any quarter that England would be inclined to a modification of her Cornlaws, properly so called, I mean her duties on wheat and flour but it has been suggested I bility, and I beg it may be received as merely a suggestion of my own-I have heard it suggested, that in regard to this article of wholesome and cheap food, England might be induced to place upon its importation a low and fixed rate of duty. For what inducement may we hope that this concession may be obtained? Undoubtedly, the only inducement we could hold out to England would be a modification of the tariff of the United States. This proposition may seem unwise, because the tariff is not for revenue only but for protection also; and how far both or either of these objccts could be firmly maintained under any modification of the tariff, is a question of great delicacy and great difficulty. My experience has not given me clear knowledge of it; but this I do know, that by making the tariff stable and firm, we shall render it healthful and judicious. If by any great operation that should unite the interests and opinions of all parts of the country we can place the productions of American industry and American labour on a permanent foundation, that is a much more important consideration than the degree to which protection may be extended." In July several changes occurred in the Cabinet of the President, which was thus remodelled: The honourable A. P. Upshar, Secretary of State; J. C. Spencer, Secretary of the Treasury; J. M. Porter, Secretary of War; D. Henshaw, Secretary of the Navy; C. A. Wickliffe, Postmaster-General; and J. Nelson, AttorneyGeneral. Subsequently, however, Mr. Gilmer was appointed Secretary of the Navy in the place of Very little occurred during the rest of the year of general interest. That which most nearly concerned ourselves was the sympathy manifested in different parts of the United States with the efforts of the Irish Repealers, and some very violent language in the usual exaggerated style of American eloquence was held by different speakers. Perhaps the most ridiculous exhibition of ignorance of ignorance and bombast that has occurred on either side of the Atlantic was that made by Mr. Robert Tyler, a son of the President, at an Irish Repeal meeting in New York, on the 29th of August. After stating that he appeared" to denounce a Government which I hate," and that he "abhorred the history of the British Government," and that he (Mr. Robert Tyler) demanded"legislative emancipation for Ireland in the name of the enlightened age in which we live," he proceeded to conjure up a picture of Ireland as a country where his audience would find the "churches desecrated, daughters ravished in sight of mothers, sons slain, and Ireland's halls of justice turned into worse than Saturnalian orgies, and where the British judge has stained his very ermine with the blood of victims ;" and stated that "Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington have declared that Ireland must be put down, and that she can be put down in twenty four hours; and that, if need be, they can cover that ill-fated land with the bones of her murdered children." We forbear to offend our readers with any more specimens of such trash. During the autumn, the most absorbing subject of interest to tion of Members to Congress, and the struggle assumed a more than ordinary degree of importance, from the fact of its being a trial of strength between the supporters of the rival candidates for the high office of President. The election of President was to take place in November, 1844, and the result of the elections would afford the means of judging as to who was likely to be the successful candidates. The chief contest lay between the friends of Mr. Clay, one of the principal leaders of the Whig or (in America) Conservative party, and Mr. Van Buren, the head of the Loco-foco, or Democratic party. Mr. Calhoun was another formidable candidate. The result of the elections was in favour of the party of Mr. Van Buren, Congress met early in December, and Mr. Jones, of Virginia, a decided partisan of Mr. Van Buren, was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. But the acts and proceedings of the newlyelected Congress will be recorded in our next volume. We give the most important passages from the Message delivered by President Tyler on the opening of the new Congress. "If any people ever had cause to render up thanks to the Supreme Being for parental care and protection extended to them in all the trials and difficulties to which they have been from time to time exposed, we certainly are that people. From the first settlement of our forefathers on this continent― through the dangers attendant upon the occupation of a savage wilderness-through a long period of colonial dependence-through the war of the Revolution-in the wisdom which led to the adoption tural interest of both North and South is equally depressed. The opinion has become somewhat current, that with England an arrangement might be made favourable to our great agricultural interest. The agreement must, of course, be founded on an adequate consideration. But as to the ob jects of the agreement, which it is supposed may be favourable to the United States, I may mention the admission into England for consumption, at lower rates of duty, of several of our large agricultural products. It has been supposed, for example, that England may be induced to make important reductions in her duties on tobacco; I confess I have never been able to see why not. The tobacco duty in England is a mere matter of revenue; there is no collateral or ulterior object in it. The question, therefore, in the minds of English statesmen, as it seems to me, can only be, whether a reduc tion of the duty will diminish the aggregate of revenue? We all know that it often increases this aggregate; and in regard to this article, a reduction of duty of onehalf should augment importation one-half: and it is clearly of equal benefit to the English revenue. It is supposed, too, that the duty on rice may undergo a material and beneficial change; and this is an article now as much depressed as any other. There again is this great product of our own in the United States-maize, or, as it is called, Indian corn. I have not heard a suggestion from any quarter that England would be inclined to a modification of her Cornlaws, properly so called, I mean her duties on wheat and flour ; but it has been suggested I -- bility, and I beg it may be received as merely a suggestion of my own-I have heard it suggested, that in regard to this article of wholesome and cheap food, England might be induced to place upon its importation a low and fixed rate of duty. For what inducement may we hope that this concession may be obtained? Undoubtedly, the only inducement we could hold out to England would be a modification of the tariff of the United States. This proposition may seem unwise, because the tariff is not for revenue only but for protection also; and how far both or either of these objects could be firmly maintained under any modification of the tariff, is a question of great delicacy and great difficulty. My experience has not given me clear knowledge of it; but this I do know, that by making the tariff stable and firm, we shall render it healthful and judicious. If by any great operation that should unite the interests and opinions of all parts of the country we can place the productions of American industry and American labour on a permanent foundation, that is a much more important consideration than the degree to which protection may be extended." In July several changes occurred in the Cabinet of the President, which was thus remodelled: The honourable A. P. Upshar, Secretary of State; J. C. Spencer, Secretary of the Treasury; J. M. Porter, Secretary of War; D. Henshaw, Secretary of the Navy; C. A. Wickliffe, Postmaster-General; and J. Nelson, AttorneyGeneral. Subsequently, however, Mr. Gilmer was appointed Secretary of the Navy in the place of |