if they reformed their tariff and made the encouragement of importation the basis of their commercial code, they would escape from many of the mistakes they were now making. The right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government knew that the principles of free trade were sound, just, and wise, but he did not want them to be applied at present-he admitted that two and two made four, but to answer temporary difficulties and the embarrassing objects of some of his political supporters and which he (Dr. Bowring) thought were not very honest objects (hear, hear,)-he (the right hon. Baronet) said that at present two and two must make only three." In conclusion, he said, "The day-star of better things was rising-it was free trade. Let them extend their markets-open their ports-they would find those who were willing to sell. He thought, indeed, that if the principles of commerce were properly understood, and the barriers of international communication broken down, they would find that commerce was as yet only in its infancy; but if they deprived themselves of the advantages which nature had given to this country, and were determined to pursue a selfish and sinister policy, which had created so much suffering already, and would infallibly create more, then he could only look into futurity with despair, and anticipate for this country a downfall as rapid as its rise had been."

Mr. Stuart Wortley blamed Dr. Bowring for the inflammatory nature of his language, and for assuming that there could be but one opinion as to the Corn-laws being the

Wortley was prepared to dispute. If Corn were imported in large quantities, no doubt the price in this country would be reduced; but the question was, whether there would not be in other quarters a reduction that would produce as much distress as it was the intention to obviate. Mr. Wortley argued generally in favour of the Corn-laws; attributing the distress mainly to the operations of the Joint Stock Banks; and declaring that he believed, if Lord Howick succeeded in carrying his Motion, he would be at a loss how to follow it up.

Mr. Wallace described the distress as generally increasing. He had last year read a list of towns subject to it, which had since been very much extended, while not one of the towns which it included had recovered. The slight stimulus given to trade by the announcement of peace with China had died away. In the country at large, shipping was unsaleable, bankruptcies multiplied, bankers could not make money, and no new trades were coming forward.

Mr. Bickham Escott remarked that the distress was admitted on all hands; but he had listened in vain to know whether any practical remedy would be proposed. If Lord Howick's Motion had no party object, how was it that he had abstained from introducing two points, either of which would have destroyed his chance of a respectable minority on the division; a "moderate fixed duty" on Corn would have caused the Motion to be rejected with scorn by those Members who regarded such a duty as a fixed tax; and if he had proposed total repeal, he must have foregone the support of the

some clue to Lord Howick's object, however, in a document lately written by Mr. Labouchere.

Some Anti-Corn-law lectures had been delivered in the town that the right hon. Gentleman represented, which excited a considerable feeling there; and the consequence was, that the people sent a memorial to the right hon. Gentleman, requesting that he would vote for a total repeal of the Corn-laws; and not only this, but it urged also that all the taxes upon consumable articles should be likewise repealed. To this the right hon. Gentleman returned an answer, addressed to the Bailiffs of the borough of Taunton, declining to comply with their request that he should vote for the total abolition of the Corn-laws, but at the same time stating it as his opinion that a considerable reduc tion of the duties on the various articles of general consumption, such as corn, sugar, and coffee, would be productive of great benefit to the country, and that he would zealously advocate such alteration; but he could not consent to an immediate and total repeal of existing duties, as, if such a change were assented to, 10,000,000l. of revenue would be thereby surrendered. He went on to recommend a moderate fixed duty on Corn, Mr. Labouchere, however, did not state what was a "moderate fixed duty." It would appear as if the present Motion were made with a view to enable those who held conflicting opinions between a fixed duty and no duty at all to adjust their differences, and come to the conclusion of adopting some small fixed duty.

Mr. Charles Wood, who began

with some statistical details to show the distressed state of Leeds,

replied to Mr. Escott, that it was not for Lord Howick to make a specific proposition; it was to the Government, with the information they possessed, that the House and the country ought to look for a specific proposition. Mr. Wood went on to argue for the extension of markets abroad by removing restrictions on commerce, and especially by altering the Corn-laws, quoting returns to show how much the consumption of corn in this country depends upon the price; at the same time he felt bound to say, that he did not attribute that exclusive importance to an alteration of the Corn-laws, which was attributed to it by some people : but he believed that the country suffered most from the fluctuations in price which were inseparable from the sliding scale; and if there was a point, on which a compromise might be made between opposing parties, it was on the principle of a moderate fixed duty; in the north of England, the opinion was extending in favour of a reasonable, moderate, and even a small fixed duty. The object of Lord Howick's Motion was, to hasten the course begun last year, when they had done too much to stand still now.

Sir James Graham said, that he remained unenlightened as to the real object of the Motion, respecting which Members on the Opposition side of the House entertained the most conflicting views. Mr. Wallace had said, that if this were not a substantive inquiry into the state of the country, which he thought necessary, he should vote with Sir Robert Peel; Mr. Ross evidently thought it was meant for inquiry into the state of the nation; Mr. Ward said he should vote for it with mental reservations of his

own. Let not him (Sir J. Graham) be supposed to doubt that the distress was prevalent and severe; but he did not think it desirable, that, in the face of the civilized world, the Representatives of Great Britain should hold the language of despondency. Nor was the assertion that the distress was unexampled supported by any proof; a falling-off in the exports was a symptom, which, in a commercial country demanded the anxious attention of Government; but the late Chancellor of the Exchequer would bear in mind, that in the years 1837-8, there was a fall in the declared value of the exports, from 46,000,000l. to 36,000,000l.; and there had not been since that time, certainly not last year, a decrease so great; in 1838-9 there was a rise of 7,000,000l. nearly the amount of the previous fall. To show a favourable reaction in trade, Sir James quoted a Report by Mr. Horner, the Inspector of Factories in the cotton districts, exhibiting a comparison between the number of mills out of work in 1841 and 1842, as well as a comparison in respect of those working short time.

In the year 1841 there were out of employ 138 mills in Mr. Horner's district, which comprehended the greater portion of Lancashire, and the West Riding of Yorkshire. These 138 mills comprised a horse power of 3,398, and were calculated to give employment to 16,774 persons. In the corresponding period of 1842, there were out of employ only ninety-six mills, with a horse-power of 2,691, and requiring 12,064 persons. Therefore, in the year 1842 as compared with 1841, of those mills in em

of nearly 1,000 horsepower, giving employment to not fewer than 4,710 persons. The facts with regard to short time work were still more extraordinary. Towards the end of the year 1841 there were, in the same district, on short time, 139 mills of 5,801 horse-power, and giving partial employment to 27,764 persons. At the close of the year 1842, there were in that district only sixty-one mills on short time, having 2,609 horse-power, and employing but partially 11,469 persons. That was to say, there were seventy-eight mills, with horse-power of 3,192, and giving employment to 16,295 persons, working full time in 1842, as contrasted with the 139 mills of the corresponding period of 1841. But that comparative view was not the whole of the case he wished to present to the House. He had said that the effect of that fictitious credit of which he had spoken was not yet entirely done away, because, as it was contended on the other side, there was a decline in the demand for manufactures. Well, there had been a large decrease in the short-time work. But there was a still more remarkable circumstance-namely, that in that district, during the last twelve months, there had been brought into operation forty-seven new mills, with 1,398 horse-power, and giving employment to 3,524 persons. The general result was, a great increase in the number of mills in full employ, and in the extent of horse power, and in the number of persons in work.

Until now he had not ventured to hope for an abatement in the appalling distress at Paisley; but he had that day received a letter

conveying the following information from his substitute at Paisley: -"Employment continues to increase here, but very gradually, and the tranquillity of the town continues undisturbed. For each of the three weeks ending the seventh current, the numbers upon our relief-list stood at 9,678, 8,885, and 8,031; showing a decrease in each of 558, 793, and 854 persons." He was gratified to find that the letter contained satisfactory intelligence with respect to Glasgow-"Our measures for procuring employment from Glasgow have done good; and I understand that all our first class weavers, or nearly all, are now engaged."

Sir James Graham ridiculed the supporters of the Motion for their want of union. Mr. Wood had not made up his mind whether he would have a moderate, a reasonable, or a small fixed duty; not even to that extent were the Leaders of the great United Movement party prepared to be decided. Government was charged with having begun last session with an inadequate measure; he doubted much if in the history of this, or of any other commercial country so great a change in the Tariff had been made in so short a time.

After all, it was absurd to make free trade principles the subject matter of such disputes as too often arose in that House, as to who had the merit of originating them: "By most men these principles were now acknowledged to be the principles of common sense, and the outline of these principles was now disputed but by few. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) The time had long

exist solely as an agricultural country. (Repeated cheers.) We were now a commercial people. As long as Great Britain remained as she now was, the mistress of the seas, she must be the emporium of the commerce of the world; and he felt perfectly satisfied that agricultural prosperity in this country, if deprived of the support of manufacturing prosperity, could not and would not long exist. He would even go further than this-he would say, that with the increasing population of this country-increasing as it did at the rate of somewhere about 220,000 per annum-it was indispensably necessary that there should be a progressive extension of commerce, and that none were more deeply interested in securing such extension than the landed interest of England. There was an increasing population; that increasing population must be employed; it could only be employed by the payment of wages; wages could only be paid out of profits; and profits were dependent on demand. He held these to be the principles of every man of common sense." (Cries of "Hear, hear!" and laughter.)

But Lord Worsley had stated that, in consequence of the recent measures, investment had been checked among the farmers, and the cultivation of new lands had been suspended; which showed how cautious they ought to be in the path of alteration; lest in tampering with the agricultural interest they should produce distress even more wide spread. He quoted Adam Smith, who said that of all ways, agriculture is the one in which capital can be employed with most advantage to so

the supply of London; and the argument to preclude distant counties was precisely the same as that for precluding distant countries." He concluded by vindicating the League, as well occupied in the diffusion of political truth; it could only be put down by doing justice.

Lord Sandon argued for protecting the "home market," and for not depriving agriculture of the protection extended to many trades, observing, that if new markets were opened abroad, it would be well that measures should be adopted to limit the too great facility of credit which had always been at the bottom of the evils under which the country la boured.

Mr. Muntz did not approve of the motion, it was not straightforward, it was not English: "Whilst it bore upon the face of it an inquiry into the distresses of the country, the details changed that face; for the noble Lord who moved it repudiated all distress except that caused by the Corn Laws. But as it bore upon the face of it an inquiry into the distress of the country, and as he knew how much that distress had increased, he felt that he would not be doing his duty to his constituents and to the country if he did not take some part in the debate, and eventually vote for the motion." The tariff had reduced the prices in some articles; but, instead of improvement in the country, it was proceeding from bad to worse. It was not right to give protection to corn without giving protection to wages. He complained that things were not regarded in their natural aspect; everybody looked through specta

spectacles, Whig spectacles, or Radical spectacles. He exhorted Sir Robert Peel to become tural."

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Sir John Hanmer objected to the motion, but recorded his opinion that much might be done to remedy the existing distress. He trusted the sugar question would be settled on a better basis: that the treaty with Portugal would be pressed to a conclusion, or that Government would arrange such terms with France as would settle for the future the pretensions of Portugal to supply us exclusively; that the Corn Laws would be altered, a fixed duty being established; and that the fallacy of protection would be abandoned. He was opposed to organic changes in the Constitution; but if the changes which he advocated were not touched, the other kind of change might be brought forward with a force which it might be difficult to withstand.

Mr. P. M. Stewart, continuing arguments which had been already advanced, took occasion to warn the House against drawing too strong inferences from the prosperity of the years 1825 and 1836, and expecting too much benefit from the late abundant barvest and slight re-action in trade: The characteristics of those years were these: they were preceded by great abundance, and each of them was followed by foreign loans; in 1825, to South America; in 1836, to North America; and the melancholy result of these loans was a great temporary demand on the industry of the people of this country, and a false prosperity for the moment; and so he maintained it would be again, if too much reliance were