if they reformed their tariff and made the encouragement of importation the basis of their commercial code, they would escape from many of the mistakes they were now making. The right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government knew that the principles of free trade were sound, just, and wise, but he did not want them to be applied at present-he admitted that two and two made four, but to answer temporary difficulties and the embarrassing objects of some of his political supportersand which he (Dr. Bowring) thought were not very honest objects (hear, hear,)-he (the right hon. Baronet) said that at present two and two must make only three." In conclusion, he said, "The day-star of better things was rising it was free trade. Let them extend their markets-open their ports-they would find those who were willing to sell. He thought, indeed, that if the principles of commerce were properly understood, and the barriers of international communication broken down, they would find that commerce was as yet only in its infancy; but if they deprived themselves of the advantages which nature had given to this country, and were determined to pursue a selfish and sinister policy, which had created so much suffering already, and would infallibly create more, then he could only look into futurity with despair, and anticipate for this country a downfall as rapid as its rise had been."

Mr. Stuart Wortley blamed Dr. Bowring for the inflammatory nature of his language, and for assuming that there could be but one opinion as to the Corn-laws being the

Wortley was prepared to dispute. If Corn were imported in large quantities, no doubt the price in this country would be reduced; but the question was, whether there would not be in other quarters a reduction that would produce as much distress as it was the intention to obviate. Mr. Wortley argued generally in favour of the Corn-laws; attributing the distress mainly to the operations of the Joint Stock Banks; and declaring that he believed, if Lord Howick succeeded in carrying his Motion, he would be at a loss how to follow it up.

Mr. Wallace described the distress as generally increasing. He had last year read a list of towns subject to it, which had since been very much extended, while not one of the towns which it included had recovered. The slight stimulus given to trade by the announcement of peace with China had died away. In the country at large, shipping was unsaleable, bankruptcies multiplied, bankers could not make money, and no new trades were coming forward.

Mr. Bickham Escott remarked that the distress was admitted on all hands; but he had listened in vain to know whether any practical remedy would be proposed. If Lord Howick's Motion had no party object, how was it that he had abstained from introducing two points, either of which would have destroyed his chance of a respectable minority on the division; a "moderate fixed duty" on Corn would have caused the Motion to be rejected with scorn by those Members who regarded such a duty as a fixed tax; and if he had proposed total repeal, he must have foregone the support of the

to the United States of Americato the early and complete success of Her Majesty's Arms in China, which he characterized as exceeding the expectations of the House and of the Country-to the vindication of the honour of the British flag in Affghanistan, and to the restoration to liberty of Her Majesty's subjects who had been detained there in captivity. After some short comments upon the passages of the Speech relating to the establishment of a government for the Christian population of Syria; and the treaty of commerce, and navigation, with the Emperor of Russia; he expressed a wish that it were also in his power to allude, with equal satisfaction, to the present state of the population at home.

"Though nothing had happened which should render their Lordships otherwise than grateful for the dispensations of Providence, he yet could not repress the intense anxiety which he felt from the conviction that our great national population had not partaken last year of the same enjoyment of the comforts or even necessaries of life which their Lordships would wish to see conferred upon them. He was afraid, however, that it was impossible that their Lordships could confer, or the great mass of the people derive, the benefit of any immediate and considerable improvement. For, although the alterations which had last year been passed by the other House of Parliament, and which were sanctioned by their Lordships, might account materially and very largely for the diminution of the revenue, it could not be concealed that those alterations would not explain so considerable

was not his province to provoke a debate upon the causes which had produced this state of things. It was impossible that justice could be done to a cause of such high and universal interest to their Lordships and to the country upon a day not appropriated to the subject-upon an occasion not devoted to the discussion of topics of that description. One night was not sufficient for the consideration of interests which ought to be discussed at length, and should receive a full and complete hearing; whilst no other subject should be allowed to interfere with it. He therefore thought that, in observing upon this part of Her Majesty's most gracious Speech, he was justified in encouraging their Lordships to rely upon the words of the concluding paragraph in connection with this subject, and trust that, although a material deficiency of the revenue existed, all the exigencies of the state would be fully met by the income which the Government might expect to derive from the future produce of the revenue."

After alluding warmly to the general joy and exultation which had been diffused throughout Scotland, on the occasion of Her Most Gracious Majesty's recent visit to that kingdom, his Lordship concluded by reading the Address which responded in the usual manner to Her Majesty's Speech.

The Earl of Eglintoun seconded the Motion, and went briefly through the several portions of the Royal Speech in relation to Foreign Affairs. In adverting to the distress admitted to be existing throughout our home population, he acknowledged that he did not take the same gloomy view of

if they reformed their tariff and made the encouragement of importation the basis of their commercial code, they would escape from many of the mistakes they were now making. The right hon. Baronet at the head of the Government knew that the principles of free trade were sound, just, and wise, but he did not want them to be applied at present-he admitted that two and two made four, but to answer temporary difficulties and the embarrassing objects of some of his political supportersand which he (Dr. Bowring) thought were not very honest objects (hear, hear,)-he (the right hon. Baronet) said that at present two and two must make only three." In conclusion, he said, "The day-star of better things was rising it was free trade. Let them extend their markets-open their ports-they would find those who were willing to sell. He thought, indeed, that if the principles of commerce were properly understood, and the barriers of international communication broken down, they would find that commerce was as yet only in its infancy; but if they deprived themselves of the advantages which nature had given to this country, and were determined to pursue a selfish and sinister policy, which had created so much suffering already, and would infallibly create more, then he could only look into futurity with despair, and anticipate for this country a downfall as rapid as its rise had been."

Mr. Stuart Wortley blamed Dr. Bowring for the inflammatory nature of his language, and for assuming that there could be but one opinion as to the Corn-laws being the

Wortley was prepared to dispute. If Corn were imported in large quantities, no doubt the price in this country would be reduced; but the question was, whether there would not be in other quarters a reduction that would produce as much distress as it was the intention to obviate. Mr. Wortley argued generally in favour of the Corn-laws; attributing the distress mainly to the operations of the Joint Stock Banks; and declaring that he believed, if Lord Howick succeeded in carrying his Motion, he would be at a loss how to follow it up.

Mr. Wallace described the distress as generally increasing. He had last year read a list of towns subject to it, which had since been very much extended, while not one of the towns which it included had recovered. The slight stimulus given to trade by the announcement of peace with China had died away. In the country at large, shipping was unsaleable, bankruptcies multiplied, bankers could not make money, and no new trades were coming forward.

.

Mr. Bickham Escott remarked that the distress was admitted on all hands; but he had listened in vain to know whether any practical remedy would be proposed. If Lord Howick's Motion had no party object, how was it that he had abstained from introducing two points, either of which would have destroyed his chance of a respectable minority on the division; a "moderate fixed duty" on Corn would have caused the Motion to be rejected with scorn by those Members who regarded such a duty as a fixed tax; and if he had proposed total repeal, he must have foregone the support of the

some clue to Lord Howick's object, however, in a document lately written by Mr. Labouchere.

Some Anti-Corn-law lectures had been delivered in the town that the right hon. Gentleman represented, which excited a consi.. derable feeling there; and the consequence was, that the people sent a memorial to the right hon. Gentleman, requesting that he would vote for a total repeal of the Corn-laws; and not only this, but it urged also that all the taxes upon consumable articles should be likewise repealed. To this the right hon. Gentleman returned an answer, addressed to the Bailiffs of the borough of Taunton, declining to comply with their request that he should vote for the total abolition of the Corn-laws, but at the same time stating it as his opinion that a considerable reduction of the duties on the various articles of general consumption, such as corn, sugar, and coffee, would be productive of great benefit to the country, and that he would zealously advocate such alteration; but he could not consent to an immediate and total repeal of existing duties, as, if such a change were assented to, 10,000,000l. of revenue would be thereby surrendered. He went on to recommend a moderate fixed duty on Corn, Mr. Labouchere, however, did not state what was a "moderate fixed duty." It would appear as if the present Motion were made with a view to enable those who held conflicting opinions between a fixed duty and no duty at all to adjust their differences, and come to the conclusion of adopting some small fixed duty.

Mr. Charles Wood, who began with some statistical details to show the distressed state of Leeds,

replied to Mr. Escott, that it was not for Lord Howick to make a specific proposition; it was to the Government, with the information they possessed, that the House and the country ought to look for a specific proposition. Mr. Wood went on to argue for the extension of markets abroad by removing restrictions on commerce, and especially by altering the Corn-laws, quoting returns to show how much the consumption of corn in this country depends upon the price; at the same time he felt bound to say, that he did not attribute that exclusive importance to an alteration of the Corn-laws, which was attributed to it by some people : but he believed that the country suffered most from the fluctuations in price which were inseparable from the sliding scale; and if there was a point, on which a compromise might be made between opposing parties, it was on the principle of a moderate fixed duty; in the north of England, the opinion was extending in favour of a reasɔnable, moderate, and even a small fixed duty. The object of Lord Howick's Motion was, to hasten the course begun last year, when they had done too much to stand still now.

Sir James Graham said, that he remained unenlightened as to the real object of the Motion, respecting which Members on the Opposition side of the House entertained the most conflicting views. Mr. Wallace had said, that if this were not a substantive inquiry into the state of the country, which he thought necessary, he should vote with Sir Robert Peel; Mr. Ross evidently thought it was meant for inquiry into the state of the nation; Mr. Ward said he should vote for it with mental reservations of his

termination. That is the course Her Majesty's Government should have pursued upon that subject. I declare, and I always have declared, that it was a just war, and I believe I was almost the only person who did so when I sat upon the other side of the House. I was one of the parties who advised Her Majesty with respect to the measures which should be carried into execution to enable her servants to bring the war to a speedy conclusion. What did Her Majesty's servants? They recommended Her Majesty to call upon Parliament to grant an additional force to the army, and to grant a large sum of money, very nearly double that which was granted in any former year, for carrying on that service. But remember, my Lords, that not a week after this, orders were sent out to India to prepare and send reinforcements to China; and there were sent from England both troops and ships, as soon as the ships could be equipped, in order to carry on this war; and those very ships and troops did arrive, and were engaged in the very operations which brought the war to a close, and which immediately preceded the negotiations for a treaty of peace. So far in respect to the noble Marquess and the veracity of the Speech. It appears that there was some plan contemplated, and that some operrations were carried on by the former Government; but the noble Marquess forgets altogether the evacuation of the island of Chusan, and the withdrawal of the forces from the northern parts of the Chinese seas. He forgets the number of men that were lost at once at the commencement of

evacuated Chusan. He forgets the operations of the troops ordered from India in the month of September or October last. All this he forgets, because he seems to desire to represent in this House that Her Majesty's Speech delivered by Her Majesty's command, is wanting in veracity."-(Cheers.)

The Duke rather ridiculed Lord Lansdowne's suggestion respecting the regulation of the intercourse with China; observing, that the Marquess's colleagues had many wise plans for the purpose, but they never executed any. He defended Lord Ellenborough with great animation, and without reserve: "I have seen something of Governors-General of India, and I know a little of military affairs and of military difficulties, and I must say this, that I stand here prepared, on any day, to justify every order or movement, either one way or the other, the Governor-General of India has given, from the moment at which he took upon him the administration of the affairs of India. I am

ready to do that whenever the noble Lord chooses to make any charge against the GovernorGeneral. Let him come forward and make his charges when he pleases, I shall be ready to reply to them. My Lords, I say that the Governor-General, as soon as he attained to his position, did as much as he was enabled to do, according to the state of preparation which he found in India at the moment. He could do no more than he did; every order he gave, whether to halt or to march, was an order absolutely necessary for the safety of the troops at the moment; not occasioned by any omission or act of his, but by acts