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the nature of the motion in order to show that it could not be complied with. It was not a Motion to inquire into the causes of the distress; but a Motion that the House should resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, Lord Howick having some proposition for the relief of the distress to bring forward. He did not see from the complexion of the debate that had taken place, that any good would result from substituting Mr. Greene for the Speaker in the chair. And what course could Lord Howick propose? Would it be a series of measures founded upon principles of freetrade? If so, the function of the executive Government in regulating the finances must necessarily be suspended.

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Suppose he proposes to reduce the duties on tea, on tobacco, on cotton, on sugar, on wool? Then how can any one intrusted with the financial affairs of the country stir one step, or know what course he is to pursue? Then, again, as to the functions of Government with regard to commercial treaties, they must be superseded by such a course. Suppose the noble Lord should think it desirable to reduce the duties on wines, or on fruits? What course could the Government take in negotiations now pending? Hitherto it has been the practice of the House to give the Government some time after the commencement of the Session, until the Estimates have been voted and a fuller review taken of the state of the finances, before they were called upon to propose to the House any measures affect ing the national interests on such subjects. But now, within a fortnight of the opening of the Ses

undertake all those duties. And at what a period, also, as respects the revenue itself; when it is subject to peculiar uncertainty-when it is difficult to conceive what will be the product of the Incometax!"-or would Lord Howick take the only alternative, and instead of introducing some specific measure, make some general proposition.

"Will the noble Lord seek to avoid the difficulty by moving some general resolution, as Resolved, that the principles on which the measures of last Session were founded be carried out to a further extent?' I appeal to the House whether there could be any thing devised at the present moment so certain to produce doubt, and to derange, disturb, and paralyze commerce-any thing so calculated to suspend all commercial speculation as the moving of some general indeterminate resolution, leaving every man uncertain as to what specific measures might be produced. The country is not yet recovered from the effect of the Tariff, and the discussions which preceded it."

Sir Robert Peel remarked that Mr. Milner Gibson had, against Sir James Graham, referred to Mr. Horner's Report on the factory districts for the month of October, whereas the subsequent one for January last was much more favourable. He recapitulated the grounds on which in the last year, in the face of an alarming deficiency of the revenue, and the prospect of a still further reduction, he had undertaken to introduce a relaxation into the commercial code: but he quoted Mr. Huskisson's authority for the necessity of taking into consideration in such a process all the com

try, and that of Adam Smith, for saying that commercial agriculture should not be the subject of sudden changes. He reviewed what had been effected by the tariff upon which so little value had been set. The duties had been reduced 5 per cent on raw materials, 10 or 12 per cent on half-manufactured materials, and 20 per cent on manufactures. The exceptions in the two first classes were mainly on account of the revenue, as in the case of cotton-wool. In the second class, the exceptions were in favour of the weak, unprotected interests, as the cork-cutters and straw-platmakers. Other exceptions were made on the ground of pending treaties. "The general rule was this-that when the articles were the elements of our own manufacture, or there was a risk from smuggling, we derived immediate advantage ourselves, and did not continue impolitic duties for the purpose of getting corresponding advantage from other countries. But there were certain articles, such as wine, on which we did not make any reduction, in order that we might induce other countries to give us some advantage in case that reduction should take place hereafter; and in the case of an article of luxury, such as wine, I do think, as I presume the Government who preceded us thought also, that it would be wise, before you consented to or promised a reduction in French wines, that you should attempt to prevail on France to permit your hardware and cutlery from Sheffield to enter France at a greater advantage than at present; and I believe it would not be satisfactory to this country if you were at once to reduce the duty on an

sumed by the rich, without making an attempt to procure from the country which is the grower of that wine some corresponding advantage in the admission of your native produce. We re. served sugar from the operation of the tariff, partly because we wished to use it as an instrument to obtain a reduction of duty upon our own produce in other countries, but more upon this distinct ground, that we did not think it right to give the free and unlimited admission of sugar without reference to the consideration of its being the produce of free or slave-labour."

He adduced several figures to shew the workings of the tariff in reducing the price of timber. Mr. Cobden, however, said that they had reduced the price of timber just when no one was building factories. Why, it seems as if nothing else but the building of factories satisfies the honourable Gentleman. (A laugh.) I am far from undervaluing the importance of factories, but factories are not the only great buildings in this country; and I think he will find it extremely difficult to persuade the whole community of England

those who have bridges to build, and piers to build, and houses to build-that they have derived no advantage from the reduction in the price of timber because a few more factories have not been built. The honourable Member's argument, and his earnestness upon it, only seem to indicate that he considers that the commercial prosperity of England, and the prosperity and happiness of mankind in general, are dependent upon the increase of cotton-mills. (Cheers and laughter.) The words of Mr.

the nature of the motion in order to show that it could not be complied with. It was not a Motion to inquire into the causes of the distress; but a Motion that the House should resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, Lord Howick having some proposition for the relief of the distress to bring forward. He did not see from the complexion of the debate that had taken place, that any good would result from substituting Mr. Greene for the Speaker in the chair. And what course could Lord Howick propose? Would it be a series of measures founded upon principles of freetrade? If so, the function of the executive Government in regulating the finances must necessarily be suspended.

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Suppose he proposes to reduce the duties on tea, on tobacco, on cotton, on sugar, on wool? Then how can any one intrusted with the financial affairs of the country stir one step, or know what course he is to pursue? Then, again, as to the functions of Government with regard to commercial treaties, they must be superseded by such a course. Suppose the noble Lord should think it desirable to reduce the duties on wines, or on fruits? What course could the Government take in negotiations now pending? Hitherto it has been the practice of the House to give the Government some time after the commencement of the Session, until the Estimates have been voted and a fuller review taken of the state of the finances, before they were called upon to propose to the House any measures affect ing the national interests on such subjects. But now, within a fortnight of the opening of the Ses

undertake all those duties. And at what a period, also, as respects the revenue itself; when it is subject to peculiar uncertainty-when it is difficult to conceive what will be the product of the Incometax!"-or would Lord Howick take the only alternative, and instead of introducing some specific measure, make some general proposition.

"Will the noble Lord seek to avoid the difficulty by moving some general resolution, as Resolved, that the principles on which the measures of last Session were founded be carried out to a further extent?' I appeal to the House whether there could be any thing devised at the present moment so certain to produce doubt, and to derange, disturb, and paralyze commerce- any thing so calculated to suspend all commercial speculation as the moving of some general indeterminate resolution, leaving every man uncertain as to what specific measures might be produced. The country is not yet recovered from the effect of the Tariff, and the discussions which preceded it."

Sir Robert Peel remarked that Mr. Milner Gibson had, against Sir James Graham, referred to Mr. Horner's Report on the factory districts for the month of October, whereas the subsequent one for January last was much more favourable. He recapitulated the grounds on which in the last year, in the face of an alarming deficiency of the revenue, and the prospect of a still further reduction, he had undertaken to introduce a relaxation into the commercial code: but he quoted Mr. Huskisson's authority for the necessity of taking into consideration in such a process all the com

try, and that of Adam Smith, for saying that commercial agriculture should not be the subject of sudden changes. He reviewed what had been effected by the tariff upon which so little value had been set. The duties had been reduced 5 per cent on raw materials, 10 or 12 per cent on half-manufactured materials, and 20 per cent on manufactures. The exceptions in the two first classes were mainly on account of the revenue, as in the case of cotton-wool. In the second class, the exceptions were in favour of the weak, unprotected interests, as the cork-cutters and straw-platmakers. Other exceptions were made on the ground of pending treaties. "The general rule was this-that when the articles were the elements of our own manufacture, or there was a risk from smuggling, we derived immediate advantage ourselves, and did not continue impolitic duties for the purpose of getting corresponding advantage from other countries. But there were certain articles, such as wine, on which we did not make any reduction, in order that we might induce other countries to give us some advantage in case that reduction should take place hereafter; and in the case of an article of luxury, such as wine, I do think, as I presume the Government who preceded us thought also, that it would be wise, before you consented to or promised a reduction in French wines, that you should attempt to prevail on France to permit your hardware and cutlery from Sheffield to enter France at a greater advantage than at present; and I believe it would not be satisfactory to this country if you were at once to reduce the duty on an

sumed by the rich, without making an attempt to procure from the country which is the grower of that wine some corresponding advantage in the admission of your native produce. We re. served sugar from the operation of the tariff, partly because we wished to use it as an instrument to obtain a reduction of duty upon our own produce in other countries, but more upon this distinct ground, that we did not think it right to give the free and unlimited admission of sugar without reference to the consideration of its being the produce of free or slave-labour."

He adduced several figures to shew the workings of the tariff in reducing the price of timber. Mr. Cobden, however, said that they had reduced the price of timber just when no one was building factories. Why, it seems as if nothing else but the building of factories satisfies the honourable Gentleman. (A laugh.) I am far from undervaluing the importance of factories, but factories are not the only great buildings in this country; and I think he will find it extremely difficult to persuade the whole community of England-those who have bridges to build, and piers to build, and houses to build-that they have derived no advantage from the reduction in the price of timber because a few more factories have not been built. The honourable Member's argument, and his earnestness upon it, only seem to indicate that he considers that the commercial prosperity of England, and the prosperity and happiness of mankind in general, are dependent upon the increase of cotton-mills. (Cheers and laughter.) The words of Mr.

cheap, and iron cheap, and then make timber cheap, and you will have free-trade! You now have timber cheap."

He now came to articles of provision. On cattle and meat the prohibition had been altogether removed, and a totally unobjectionable moderate fixed duty imposed. "Cattle and meat can now be brought freely into this country; and yet you cry out that the tariff has afforded no practical advantage to the country-that it is all a mockery and a delusion. And when I hear such language held with regard to the chief articles of subsistence, I am compelled to think that you may also overrate the advantages you expect to derive from that freetrade in corn of which you are now the advocates."

Mr. Baring had said that Government owed their majority and the removal of those prohibitions to the forbearance of the Opposition. What the right honourable Gentleman said might very possibly be true; but could a greater proof be afforded of the desire of the Government to do what lay in their power for the public interests, and rather to run the risk of losing their own supporters than not remove those prohibitions? It was said that the new Corn-law would not lower prices; but prices had been lowered. "It is very difficult to say to what cause the reduction is to be attributed; but at all events they cannot deny the fact of there having been a great fall in the price of corn. To what this is to be attributed I will not say: the main cause, no doubt, is the productive harvest which it has pleased God to send us, and which we have publicly acknow

I will compare the prices during six years. On the 2d January 1836, wheat was 59s. the quarter; on the same day in 1838, it was 52s. 4d.; in 1839, it was 78s. 2d.; in 1840, 56s. 5d.; in 1841, 61s. 8d.; in 1842, 63s. 1d.; and in 1843, it is 46s. 11d. It is now said that this reduction is no benefit at all to the consumer. But let us compare that argument with the arguments formerly used in favour of a change in the law. You then argued, that the cause of the distress was the high price of provisions, whereas you nOW contend that the price of food, which is low, has nothing to do with it. ("No, no!") Yes, but your argument bears that interpretation, or none. When the price of food was high, you attributed national distress to that cause; now that the price is low, you say that our distress will not be relieved till the Corn-laws are repealed."

Sir R. Peel repeated his declaration respecting the maintenance of the present Corn-law. The Opposition taunted the Ministers with not adhering permanently to the present Corn-law; but he reminded the House of the vacillating conduct of the late Ministers, who proposed a fixed duty on Corn, and even before the Bill came before the House, totally changed the details of their Mea

sure.

And would a fixed duty "settle" the question? He objected to it because it would press with peculiar severity when Corn was high, because it could not be maintained, even for revenue purposes, for two months, and if imposed merely for revenue purposes, and not for protection, it ought to be imposed equally on

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