John Russell" I never heard the noble Lord's remarks."] But the mover of the present amendment did; and he said "The Canadian people are the best judges of the benefit which they will gain from such a measure, and their own Colonial Representatives should decide as to its advantages or disadvantages. I will not assert that it will not be right for the Government to confirm this act, if they agree to the Measure: upon that point I will express no opinion; but I do contend that the Legislature of England has no right to meddle with a plan the effects of which are supposed exclusively to be confined to one of her colonies." (Cheers and counter cheers.) Sir Robert Peel continued" Now I do not contend for one moment that the right honourable gentleman pledged himself by those expressions to support the Canadian Measure; but I do say, that he used language which, in conjunction with the language of the Government, might have fairly justified the Canadians in believing that if they passed such a law as they have passed, he would not be the man to ask the House of Commons to address the Crown to refuse that law its sanction."

Sir Robert Peel proceeded to contend that the particular instance constituted no abandonment of the principle of a varying duty. There was no question of a fixed duty; but the question was, whether for political reasons it was not better to give Canada greater facilities of commercial access; and his opinion was, that the agriculturists might give that access without running any risk of injuring their own interests. All

side confirmed that opinion, for they said that the Measure would increase protection. And he would ask a question "I am taunted with adopting a fixed duty; will honourable gentlemen opposite tell me how they would deal with a fixed duty in this case? There is to be, according to their plan, a fixed duty of 8s. a quarter on foreign corn; now, what will they do with colonial produce? I presume they would not subject that produce to a duty of the same amount? But the American corn

corn of foreign growth-comes to England through Canada; how could they levy a fixed duty of 8s. on American corn brought from New York and New Orleans, and, nevertheless, permit American corn to come to this country duty free through Canada? (Loud cheers.) I should like to know how they would deal with that fact? would not that be opening a "back-door?" Would not that be giving a preference to the Western States over the Southern. (Repeated cheers.) Or, perhaps, honourable Gentlemen would propose to apply only a duty of 1s. to corn passing through Canada? But in this case there would be an undue preference given to America over other nations." The point, however, on which he mainly rested his defence of the fixed duty, was, that in Canada the duty could be taken in no other form.

After pointing out some inconsistencies in the several opinions of his opponents, Sir Robert Peel described the circumstances of the colony when the Measure was proposed

-"We found a strong and almost unanimous feeling in Canada, that the greatest advantage would

flour could be admitted into this country. Their two great articles of commerce were timber and corn. The Canadas differed from other provinces in being a corngrowing country, and able to export it. Their situation was peculiar. The hazardous experiment of the union of the two Legislatures was tried; we looked at those things, we regarded the expenditure of 2,000,000l. for suppressing the rebellion, and the cost of the twenty-two battalions of infantry to maintain peace there; we bore in mind the unsettled question on the frontier, and that we were involved in a dispute with a powerful country at a great distance from our resources; and we added to this, that the honour and security of England were not safe unless we carried with us the cordial goodwill and co-operation of the people of Canada. You have professed your readiness to support your relationship with Canada, and you are bound in honour to support it; and there can be no doubt that the Government in introducing the Measure attached this important consideration to it, that it would be taken as an indication of cordial good feeling towards Canada. And I now say, that unless you carry that cordial co-operation of the people of Canada with you, the weakest point of the whole empire will be Canada. It is easy to talk of dissolving that alliance; but in point of honour, and in point of policy, you cannot set that example. If your connexion with Canada is to be dissolved, your connexion with New Brunswick, with Prince Edward's Island, and with Nova Scotia, may follow; indeed, you will never be able to determine

policy-apart from a feeling of honour-you must terminate your course. The more of ill-will, the more of dissension and unwillingness to submit to connexion with this country there exists, the greater will be the temptation for foreign powers to interfere."

In conclusion, Sir R. Peel remarked that there was a tendency in the Opposition to undervalue colonial Legislatures, which were popular assemblies, and best able to judge of colonial interests. Any advantages to be derived from the principles of free-trade, would be but a poor equivalent for the disappointment which would be felt by Canada if this Measure were rejected.

Lord John Russell spoke in answer. He characterized Sir Robert Peel's declaration that the Canadian colonies would be endangered, as imprudent; and he ridiculed the argument-first advanced by Mr. Roebuck, "Her Majesty's learned counsel (Laughter)--about the affront to the prerogative of the Crown. It was most constitutional and proper to go up to the Queen and say, "Your Majesty has been ill-advised:" a mortification to the Ministers it might be, but that it would be a mortification to the Crown, was really an assumption of the honourable and learned Gentleman who had identified himself with the Throne. (Loud laughter.) Sucha departure from the usual decorum of language he scarcely had expected. Lord John Russell also questioned Sir Robert Peel's accuracy as to the right of intervention reserved by the Imperial Parliament: the 43rd section of the Canada Act retained the whole power that Parliament previously

of Customs-duties, provided only that any duties levied at the frontier should form part of the revenue of the colony. Not only was the act imposing the 3s. duty on corn by no means the first act of the United Legislature of Canada, but Canada had before rejected such a measure, which showed that their legislation now was not spontaneous.

66

Lord John was ready to grant the Canadians any boon they wished: he would admit their corn at ls.; but he would do it without imposing disagreeable conditions on the colony-without any condition at all. Lord John quarrelled with the phrase that Canada was to be considered as an integral part of the empire," "an English county." It had been an integral part of the empire since the peace of Paris in 1763; and our soldiers and sailors have shed their best blood for it. As to its being an English county, the phrase seemed to have a very mischievous meaning-namely, to extend restriction and monopoly to the whole colonial empire; and how could that province be an English county which imposed a duty of 5 per cent. on our manufactures ? If Parliament were to give such preferences as that now proposed, and were to take our whole colonial empire into the circle of their view, there was hardly an article on which they must not impose some legislative bar to the enjoyments of the people. They had no wine of their own, and could have the best wine from all parts of the Continent; but the Cape of Good Hope produced wine, and they must give an advantage to the Cape of Good Hope. Their own country did not produce sugar, but the West In

dies produced it, and they must give an advantage to their West Indian colonies, and prohibit their people from having sugar which might be obtained better and cheaper from other places. It was the same with regard to colonial corn. Restrictions had been found useful to protect the produce of our colonies against the introduction of produce of foreign growth; but all the papers which had been laid on the table of the House only tended to show the mischief and the evils which resulted from such a system. He maintained that such a system ought not to be supported in any case; and still less should any measure be adopted, the effect of which would be to create new difficulties. The proposition of the Government was to contrive, by means of new restrictions, to force the transit of corn through a particular channel. The only effect of this would be to create new monopolies-to raise up some new landed interests in Canada, in order that some time hence, when the question of the reduction of the duty on foreign corn should be raised, they might be again embarrassed by all those questions of mortgages and settlements which now afforded them such ample fields for discussion. Government appeared, indeed, to have some abstract love of protection and restriction-to love it for its own sake. After some further remarks in the same spirit, Lord John ridiculed the variety of Cornlaws proposed by Ministers: yet these were the men who called themselves "Conservative" Ministers!-men who made innovations and changes only for the sake of change!

The House then divided, when

flour could be admitted into this country. Their two great articles of commerce were timber and corn. The Canadas differed from other provinces in being a corngrowing country, and able to export it. Their situation was peculiar. The hazardous experiment of the union of the two Legislatures was tried; we looked at those things, we regarded the expenditure of 2,000,000l. for sup. pressing the rebellion, and the cost of the twenty-two battalions of infantry to maintain peace there; we bore in mind the unsettled question on the frontier, and that we were involved in a dispute with a powerful country at a great distance from our resources; and we added to this, that the honour and security of England were not safe unless we carried with us the cordial goodwill and co-operation of the people of Canada. You have professed your readiness to support your relationship with Canada, and you are bound in honour to support it; and there can be no doubt that the Government in introducing the Measure attached this important consideration to it, that it would be taken as an indication of cordial good feeling towards Canada. And I now say, that unless you carry that cordial co-operation of the people of Canada with you, the weakest point of the whole empire will be Canada. It is easy to talk of dissolving that alliance; but in point of honour, and in point of policy, you cannot set that example. If your connexion with Canada is to be dissolved, your connexion with New Brunswick, with Prince Edward's Island, and with Nova Scotia, may follow; indeed, you will never be able to determine

policy-apart from a feeling of honour-you must terminate your course. The more of ill-will, the more of dissension and unwillingness to submit to connexion with this country there exists, the greater will be the temptation for foreign powers to interfere."

In conclusion, Sir R. Peel remarked that there was a tendency in the Opposition to undervalue colonial Legislatures, which were popular assemblies, and best able to judge of colonial interests. Any advantages to be derived from the principles of free-trade, would be but a poor equivalent for the disappointment which would be felt by Canada if this Measure were rejected.

Lord John Russell spoke in answer. He characterized Sir Robert Peel's declaration that the Canadian colonies would be endangered, as imprudent; and he ridiculed the argument-first advanced by Mr. Roebuck, "Her Majesty's learned counsel (Laughter)--about the affront to the prerogative of the Crown. It was most constitutional and proper to go up to the Queen and say, "Your Majesty has been ill-advised:" a mortification to the Ministers it might be, but that it would be a mortification to the Crown, was really an assumption of the honourable and learned Gentleman who had identified himself with the Throne. (Loud laughter.) Such a departure from the usual decorum of language he scarcely had expected. Lord John Russell also questioned Sir Robert Peel's accuracy as to the right of intervention reserved by the Imperial Parliament: the 43rd section of the Canada Act retained the whole power that Parliament previously

of Customs duties, provided only that any duties levied at the frontier should form part of the revenue of the colony. Not only was the act imposing the 3s. duty on corn by no means the first act of the United Legislature of Canada, but Canada had before rejected such a measure, which showed that their legislation now was not spontaneous.

66

an

Lord John was ready to grant the Canadians any boon they wished: he would admit their corn at 1s.; but he would do it without imposing disagreeable conditions on the colony-without any condition at all. Lord John quarrelled with the phrase that Canada was to be considered as 66 an integral part of the empire," English county." It had been an integral part of the empire since the peace of Paris in 1763; and our soldiers and sailors have shed their best blood for it. As to its being an English county, the phrase seemed to have a very mischievous meaning-namely, to extend restriction and monopoly to the whole colonial empire; and how could that province be an English county which imposed a duty of 5 per cent. on our manufactures? If Parliament were to give such preferences as that now proposed, and were to take our whole colonial empire into the circle of their view, there was hardly an article on which they must not impose some legislative bar to the enjoyments of the people. They had no wine of their own, and could have the best wine from all parts of the Continent; but the Cape of Good Hope produced wine, and they must give an advantage to the Cape of Good Hope. Their own country did not produce sugar, but the West In

dies produced it, and they must give an advantage to their West Indian colonies, and prohibit their people from having sugar which might be obtained better and cheaper from other places. It was the same with regard to colonial corn. Restrictions had been found useful to protect the produce of our colonies against the introduction of produce of foreign growth; but all the papers which had been laid on the table of the House only tended to show the mischief and the evils which resulted from such a system. He maintained that such a system ought not to be supported in any case; and still less should any measure be adopted, the effect of which would be to create new difficulties. The proposition of the Government was to contrive, by means of new restrictions, to force the transit of corn through a particular channel. The only effect of this would be to create new monopolies-to raise up some new landed interests in Canada, in order that some time hence, when the question of the reduction of the duty on foreign corn should be raised, they might be again embarrassed by all those questions of mortgages and settlements which now afforded them such ample fields for discussion. Government appeared, indeed, to have some abstract love of protection and restriction-to love it for its own sake. After some further remarks in the same spirit, Lord John ridiculed the variety of Cornlaws proposed by Ministers: yet these were the men who called themselves "Conservative" Ministers!-men who made innovations and changes only for the sake of change!

The House then divided, when