the noble Lord who had preceded him. "Their Lordships should remember that the measures which had last year been passed by that, and the other House, had not yet had time to work out the effects which it had been predicted they would produce, and he felt every reason to hope that the next time this subject should be mentioned upon such an occasion as the present, they would be enabled to congratulate the country upon things wearing a very different aspect, and he did earnestly trust that the changes in the laws relating to the revenue would be allowed a fair and impartial trial.” The Marquess of Lansdowne admitted the propriety and discretion of the Speech which Her Majesty's Ministers had advised, which had been framed, and calculated for the purpose of preventing the expression of any difference of opinion as to the terms of the Address; and he would endeavour to confine himself to mere observation and remark. He sarcastically approved of the discreet silence respecting the new Cornlaw. If we were to have a Cornlaw at all, it should interfere as little as possible with the ordinary operations of trade; and never was there a period in which the convulsions of trade, as connected with that law, had been greater than at the present day. He regretted that the large concessions of the new treaty with America, had not procured the settlement of other important questions. He approved of the close of the Affghan war, but alluded to the rumour that the troops were to have been withdrawn without the recovery of the prisoners. (The Duke of Wellington here exclaim

condemned Lord Ellenborough's proclamations. He approved of the Chinese war in its intention, and results; but he professed himself puzzled with the allusion to the liberality of Parliament " as furnishing the means for increased exertions to terminate the Chinese war; and he attributed the phrase to an intense desire to say something in favour of the Income-tax ; he claimed the merit for Lord Auckland as the provider of the means and suggester of the plans. He exhorted Government and Parliament to direct their attention to improve the vast opportunity in the opening of China to our free intercourse; which he regarded in its ultimate results as an event of not less magnitude than the discovery of the Transatlantic Countries three centuries ago; a discovery the consequences of which those three centuries had but imperfectly developed. It would require all skill, and attention and assiduity upon the part of the governing powers, as well as of various individuals in this country, so to lay the foundation of our intercourse with that people, that it should continue to operate uninterruptedly and beneficially for the interests of the great mass of the people. Every precaution should be taken to prevent the commission of injustice, and every means used that would result in satisfaction both to the ruling powers and to the vast mass of persons in that country. It should be remembered that not only their interests should be regarded, but that their prejudices should be tolerated and respected, that it should be seen by them that we did not enter their country as conquerors, but as friends, as well as upon the foot

ship concluded with a tribute to the forbearance of the working classes under the distress and privation, which had led to the disturbances in the manufacturing districts; and did not feel called upon to offer any opposition to the adoption of the Address.

The Duke of Wellington had entertained hopes that the noble Marquess would have been in duced, if he had thought proper to make any observations at all, to abstain from that description of observation which did not appear to him (the Duke of Wellington) to be necessary to any part of the discussion upon the present occasion. "But," continued the noble Duke, “the noble Marquess has not only attacked the Speech for what it does not contain, he has attacked the Speech on the score of its veracity. We are told that Her Majesty has been advised to advert to the liberality of Parliament as having enabled Her Majesty's forces to bring the war in China to an early and successful termination; and then, says the noble Marquess, no mention is made of the Income-tax, and we could not say that the Income-tax was an instance of the liberality of Parliament. But I beg you to recollect, my Lords, that the common course of Parliamentary proceeding, or, rather, the ordinary course, for it was not the course pursued during the Administration of the Noble Marquess-the ordinary course of proceeding in Parliament is, for Her Majesty's Government, when engaged in war, to come down, first with an estimate of the expences necessary for carrying on the war, and then with an estimate of the whole of the means for finding the money to pay those ex

this course was totally abandoned by the noble Marquess and his colleagues when they were in office, for they attempted to carry on war with all the world with a peace establishment. ("Hear, hear, and laughter.") The noble Marquess states, that if he had been one of those who conceived that we ought to have submitted to the conduct of the Emperor of China, and that we ought to turn Custom-house officers for the Emperor of China, not only could he not have recommended the Speech, but he could not have given his approbation to the Address. I beg the noble Marquess to recollect tha I was almost the only individual in this House who stated that the real ground of complaint against the Chinese Government was its conduct towards persons employed in the service of Her Majesty, and representing Her Majesty, upon the occasion when a motion upon the subject was made by my noble Friend near me. I was almost the only person in the House who defended Her Majesty's servants in China ; and I say the war was a just and a proper war on the part of Her Majesty's Government. I go further, and I say, that if it had been otherwise, if it had been a war solely on the score of the robbery of the opium, finding that Her Majesty's Government was engaged in that war, and finding that the interest and honour of the country were involved in that war, I should have considered it my duty to make every effort to carry it on by the best means, and to come down to Parliament and to ask Parliament for the assistance necessary to defend Her Majesty's servants, and to bring the

the noble Lord who had preceded him. "Their Lordships should remember that the measures which had last year been passed by that, and the other House, had not yet had time to work out the effects which it had been predicted they would produce, and he felt every reason to hope that the next time this subject should be mentioned upon such an occasion as the present, they would be enabled to congratulate the country upon things wearing a very different aspect, and he did earnestly trust that the changes in the laws relating to the revenue would be allowed a fair and impartial trial." The Marquess of Lansdowne admitted the propriety and discretion of the Speech which Her Majesty's Ministers had advised, which had been framed, and calculated for the purpose of preventing the expression of any difference of opinion as to the terms of the Address; and he would endeavour to confine himself to mere observation and remark. He sarcastically approved of the discreet silence respecting the new Cornlaw. If we were to have a Cornlaw at all, it should interfere as little as possible with the ordinary operations of trade ; and never was there a period in which the convulsions of trade, as connected with that law, had been greater than at the present day. He regretted that the large concessions of the new treaty with America, had not procured the settlement of other important questions. He approved of the close of the Affghan war, but alluded to the rumour that the troops were to have been withdrawn without the recovery of the prisoners. (The Duke of Wellington here exclaim

;

condemned Lord Ellenborough's proclamations. He approved of the Chinese war in its intention, and results; but he professed himself puzzled with the allusion to the liberality of Parliament " as furnishing the means for increased exertions to terminate the Chinese war; and he attributed the phrase to an intense desire to say something in favour of the Income-tax he claimed the merit for Lord Auckland as the provider of the means and suggester of the plans. He exhorted Government and Parliament to direct their attention to improve the vast opportunity in the opening of China to our free intercourse; which he regarded in its ultimate results as an event of not less magnitude than the discovery of the Transatlantic Countries three centuries ago; a discovery the consequences of which those three centuries had but imperfectly developed. It would require all skill, and attention and assiduity upon the part of the governing powers, as well as of various individuals in this country, so to lay the foundation of our intercourse with that people, that it should continue to operate uninterruptedly and beneficially for the interests of the great mass of the people. Every precaution should be taken to prevent the commission of injustice, and every means used that would result in satisfaction both to the ruling powers and to the vast mass of persons in that country. It should be remembered that not only their interests should be regarded, but that their prejudices should be tolerated and respected, that it should be seen by them that we did not enter their country as conquerors, but as friends, as well as upon the foot

ship concluded with a tribute to the forbearance of the working classes under the distress and privation, which had led to the disturbances in the manufacturing districts; and did not feel called upon to offer any opposition to the adoption of the Address.

The Duke of Wellington had entertained hopes that the noble Marquess would have been induced, if he had thought proper to make any observations at all, to abstain from that description of observation which did not appear to him (the Duke of Wellington) to be necessary to any part of the discussion upon the present occasion. "But," continued the noble Duke, "the noble Marquess has not only attacked the Speech for what it does not contain, he has attacked the Speech on the score of its veracity. We are told that Her Majesty has been advised to advert to the liberality of Parliament as having enabled Her Majesty's forces to bring the war in China to an early and successful termina. tion; and then, says the noble Marquess, no mention is made of the Income-tax, and we could not say that the Income-tax was an instance of the liberality of Parliament. But I beg you to recollect, my Lords, that the common course of Parliamentary proceeding, or, rather, the ordinary course, for it was not the course pursued during the Administration of the Noble Marquess-the ordinary course of proceeding in Parliament is, for Her Majesty's Government, when engaged in war, to come down, first with an estimate of the expences necessary for carrying on the war, and then with an estimate of the whole of the means for find

ing the money to pay those ex

this course was totally abandoned by the noble Marquess and his colleagues when they were in office, for they attempted to carry on war with all the world with a peace establishment. ("Hear, hear, and laughter.") The noble Marquess states, that if he had been one of those who conceived that we ought to have submitted to the conduct of the Emperor of China, and that we ought to turn Custom-house officers for the Emperor of China, not only could he not have recommended the Speech, but he could not have given his approbation to the Address. I beg the noble Marquess to recollect tha I was almost the only individual in this House who stated that the real ground of complaint against the Chinese Government was its conduct towards persons employed in the service of Her Majesty, and representing Her Majesty, upon the occasion when a motion upon the subject was made by my noble Friend near me. I was almost the only person in the House who defended Her Majesty's servants in China; and I say the war was a just and a proper war on the part of Her Majesty's Government. further, and I say, that if it had been otherwise, if it had been a war solely on the score of the robbery of the opium, finding that Her Majesty's Government was engaged in that war, and finding that the interest and honour of the country were involved in that war, I should have considered it my duty to make every effort to carry it on by the best means, and to come down to Parliament and to ask Parliament for the assistance necessary to defend Her Majesty's servants, and to bring the

I go

termination. That is the course Her Majesty's Government should have pursued upon that subject. I declare, and I always have declared, that it was a just war, and I be lieve I was almost the only person who did so when I sat upon the other side of the House. I was one of the parties who advised Her Majesty with respect to the measures which should be carried into execution to enable her servants to bring the war to a speedy conclusion. What did Her Majesty's servants? They recommended Her Majesty to call upon Parliament to grant an additional force to the army, and to grant a large sum of money, very nearly double that which was granted in any former year, for carrying on that service. But remember, my Lords, that not a week after this, orders were sent out to India to prepare and send reinforcements to China; and there were sent from England both troops and ships, as soon as the ships could be equipped, in order to carry on this war; and those very ships and troops did arrive, and were engaged in the very operations which brought the war to a close, and which immediately preceded the negotiations for a treaty of peace. So far in respect to the noble Marquess and the veracity of the Speech. It appears that there was some plan contemplated, and that some operrations were carried on by the former Government; but the noble Marquess forgets altogether the evacuation of the island of Chusan, and the withdrawal of the forces from the northern parts of the Chinese seas. He forgets the number of men that were lost at once at the commencement of

evacuated Chusan. He forgets the operations of the troops ordered from India in the month of September or October last. All this he forgets, because he seems to desire to represent in this House that Her Majesty's Speech delivered by Her Majesty's command, is wanting in veracity."-(Cheers.)

The Duke rather ridiculed Lord Lansdowne's suggestion respecting the regulation of the intercourse with China; observing, that the Marquess's colleagues had many wise plans for the purpose, but they never executed any. He defended Lord Ellenborough with great animation, and without reserve: "I have seen something of Governors-General of India, and I know a little of military affairs and of military difficulties, and I must say this, that I stand here prepared, on any day, to justify every order or movement, either one way or the other, the Governor-General of India has given, from the moment at which he took upon him the administration of the affairs of India. I am ready to do that whenever the noble Lord chooses to make any charge against the GovernorGeneral. Let him come forward and make his charges when he pleases, I shall be ready to reply to them. My Lords, I say that the Governor-General, as soon as he attained to his position, did as much as he was enabled to do, according to the state of preparation which he found in India at the moment. He could do no more than he did; every order he gave, whether to halt or to march, was an order absolutely necessary for the safety of the troops at the moment; not occasioned by any omission or act of his, but by acts