Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them, while their appeals through their own government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved.

Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good-will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and, in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In the meantime we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted, even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.

As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests of our country.

Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, "as a precautionary measure" against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective Governors of those States.

These instructions were repeated; and in January last, soon

after the incorporation of "Texas into our Union of States," General Taylor was further "authorized by the President to make a requisition upon the Executive of that State for such of its militia force as may be needed to repel invasion, or to secure the country against apprehended invasion." On the 2d day of March, he was again reminded, "in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need."

War actually existing, and our territory having been invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him by my direction, has called on the Governor of Texas for four regiments of State troops, two to be mounted, and two to serve on foot, and on the Governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.

In further vindication of our rights and defense of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognize the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than six or twelve months, unless sooner discharged.

A volunteer force is, beyond question, more efficient than any other description of citizen soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sustaining our entire military force, and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of war.

The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.

In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my anxious desire, not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute between this Government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment;

and, in this view, I shall be prepared to renew negotiations, whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive propositions, or to make propositions of her own.

I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our Envoy to Mexico and the Mexican Minister for Foreign Affairs; and so much of the correspondence between that envoy and the Secretary of State, and between the Secretary of War and the general in command on the Del Norte, as are necessary to a full understanding of the subject.

CHAPTER XII.

WAR PROCLAIMED-ACTS OF CONGRESS-FRENCH CLAIMS

VETO-TWO MILLION MYSTERY-WILMOT PROVISOGENERAL SCOTT AND THE PRESIDENT-PALO

A

ALTO AND RESACA DE LA PALMA.

CCORDINGLY Congress passed an act on the 13th of May, only two days after receiving this message, by a vote of 142 to 14 in the 'House, and 40 to 2 in the Senate, declaring war with Mexico, authorizing not exceeding 50,000 volunteers to be raised for one year or the war, and making the necessary appropriations for equipping and supplying the army. On the same day the President issued his proclamation declaring war.

Although the measure leading to this result was finally carried by a remarkable display of unanimity, it had brought out a warm discussion on the origin and responsibility of the war, and a great deal of bitterness was manifested. In the Senate, Thomas Clayton, of Delaware, and John Davis, of Massachusetts, voted against the war measure, and Mr. Calhoun did not vote, although he was earnestly opposed to the war. In the House, John Quincy Adams headed the list of fourteen noes. But the wonderful unanimity of Congress in taking this stu

pendous step did not, by any means, portray the real views of that body for and against the war or the course of conduct which had led to it. Many Democrats even, who voted for the war measure, did so because they could do no better than support and make the most of what they could not prevent. Mr. Benton thus speaks of the case :

Early in May the President sent in a message to the two Houses of Congress, informing them that American blood had been spilt upon American soil; and requesting Congress to recognize the existence of war, as a fact, and to provide for its prosecution. It was, however, an event determined upon before the spilling of that blood, and the advance of the troops was a way of bringing it on. The President in his message at the commencement of the session, after an enumeration of Mexican wrongs, had distinctly intimated that he should have recommended measures of redress if a minister had not been sent to effect a a peaceable settlement; but the minister having gone, and not yet been heard from, he should forbear recommending to Congress such ulterior measures of redress for the wrong and injuries we have so long borne, as it would have been proper to make had no such negotiation been instituted.' This was a declared postponement of war measures for a contingency which might quickly happen; and did. Mr. Slidell, the minister, returned without having been received, and denouncing war in his retiring dispatch. The contingency had therefore occurred on which the forbearance of the President was to cease, and the ulterior measures to be recommended which he had intimated. All this was independent of the spilt blood; but that event producing a state of hostilities in fact, fired the American blood, both in and out of Congress, and inflamed the country for immediate war. Without that event it