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this retarding condition exists the state is prevented from realising its present possibilities and from undertaking other beneficent work which it might perform particularly in the fields of education, art, sanitation, and philanthropy. Yet in spite of this heavy drag the more progressive modern states are extending their functions and, on the whole, giving better satisfaction to the needs of larger populations than ever before. Petty principalities and the city states of former times have passed away forever. The dominant modern national type of state stands for populations that must be reckoned by tens of millions.

Even more significant than growth in population and territory, however, is the growth that has taken place in the number and complexity of political and other social relationships. It is true that far back in antiquity there were great and powerful despotisms, but they were held together largely by the strong hand, and, as compared with modern governments, performed very few services for their peoples. Within recent times inventions annihilating time and space have brought men closer together but they would not cohere as they do in government, in business, and in other social activities, were the requisite moral factors not present. Civilisation has developed these factors, but at the same time, unfortunately, a new breed of parasites has come into existence to destroy in part the fruits of our more intelligent, more honest, and better

equipped labour. Vigorous fighting is necessary to limit the damage inflicted by the type of social marauder which Professor Ross so trenchantly describes," the respectable, exemplary, trusted personage who, strategically placed at the focus of a spider web of fiduciary relations, is able from his office chair to pick a thousand pockets, poison a thousand sick, pollute a thousand minds, or imperil a thousand lives." With full recognition of the danger threatening our highly specialised society from resourceful enemies of this character there is still another aspect of the case which should not be forgotten. One must learn "to look at the doughnut as well as the hole." While insisting upon the enormity of the offences committed by our modern social pirates let us not ignore the significance of the multiplication of foci strategically placed within the spider webs of fiduciary relations. If social trusts were habitually betrayed they could not increase in number and importance. Such enormous and complex aggregations as are brought together under modern governments, for example, mean that men numbered on the scale of millions are convinced of the substantial fidelity to their deepest interests of the governmental structures to which they acknowledge allegiance. If this were not the case, if corruption and other abuses infected governments to such an extent as to render them unfaithful to their peoples, dis1" Sin and Society,” pp. 29-30.

loyalty would take the place of loyalty, disintegration would succeed integration. No doubt many causes besides those mentioned conspired to bring about the appearance of the large, potent, and complex units which now prevail in government. While this process was being accomplished various hostile conditions had to be attacked, of which corruption was only one, although one of the most threatening. As these unfavourable conditions were and are being overcome it is safe to conclude, in spite of all superficial appearances to the contrary, that the relative extent and harmfulness of corruption are decreasing in the more progressive modern countries. A similar line of argument supports the same conclusion with regard to business institutions, which also have been increasing both in size, complexity, and the importance of the functions which they perform. The household industry of a few generations ago has given way to corporations employing their tens of thousands of men, trusting them with property worth millions, and, particularly in transportation, with the safety of myriads of lives. Such developments would be impossible either in politics or in business without greater intelligence, a greater degree of fair dealing, and greater confidence and loyalty from man to man. Corruption which exalts the selfish interest above the general interest has doubtless hindered, but it has not stopped, this process. Never before have men co-operated on so large

a scale and so honest a basis as here and now. If corruption had really penetrated to the vitals of our economic and governmental organisations this development could not have taken place.

FINIS

INDEX

Adams, Professor Henry C., Business, alleged to be made

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Bacon, Lord, 90.

66

Belmont, Perry, 239, 271.
Big Business," 115, 163.
Blackmail, 63.
Bodley, J. E. C., 71.
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 83.
Boss, The (see also Ma-
chine), 23, 26, 71, 73, 105,
240, 278, 279.
Bribery, 44, 49, 59.
Brinkley, Captain F., 102.
Bryce, James, 216.

Bureau of Corporations, 175.
Bureau of Municipal Re-
search, 184.

Burke, Edmund, 213.

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Campaign contributions, dan-
ger of plutocracy involved
in, 71-74; problem of, 76;
and theory of party sup-
port, 213; congressional
appropriations, 221; pub-
licity, 229; prohibition and
restriction of, 244; from
corporations, 244; from
candidates, 248; from civil
servants, 256; from indi-
viduals, 258; and cam-
paign literature, 260; in
small amounts, 261; time
limits, 262; geographical
limits, 263; and business
interests, 264; of services,
267; in state and local
contests, 268; in primaries
and conventions, 270; re-
sults of reform, 273.
Candidates, corruption and
personal immorality as dis-
qualifications, 15; and pub-
licity, 240; contributions
of, 248.

Caritative function of the
state, 70.

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