tocracy, and Polity,-and the corresponding perverted forms,-Tyranny, Oligarchy, and Democracy,—is based fundamentally upon the existence of purity or corruption in the sovereign, whether it be composed of the one, few, or many. Dealing as he was largely with actual constitutions, Aristotle makes it clear that in the world as he knew it, the corrupt forms of government, particularly oligarchy and democracy, were much more common than the pure forms, that, in fact, some degree of corruption was frequent, and purity, on the other hand, exceptional in political life. Other classifications of states regardless of their moral condition are, of course, possible. Mr. Seeley has given us one that, for modern purposes, is certainly much more useful than the Aristotelian. continued use of the latter in common speech and, to a somewhat less extent in historical and scientific discussion, is evidence, however, of a high degree of availability in describing actual political conditions or what are believed to be such. And since this terminology implies the existence of corruption as an ordinary accompaniment of political life, its wide acceptance and continued use strengthens the conviction that corruption in some form is a persistent problem of politics.

The

While the general problem bids fair to remain with us always, the particular forms and extent of corruption will be subject to change in the future as in the past. History justifies the hope that these

changes will be for the better.

Many of the

grosser forms of corruption current in earlier. periods are impossible now. Charles II. was not the only king of his century who accepted corrupt subsidies from foreign monarchs. At the present time it is impossible to doubt that the essential loyalty of the executive heads of the principal civilised countries of the world would be demonstrated unmistakably in case they should be approached by corrupt solicitation from the outside. The modern spirit of nationality and patriotism would wreak tremendous vengeance upon any royal offender against it. The loyalty of contemporary monarchs, however, is probably due in very slight degree, if at all, to the fear of punishment. In addition to the responsibility enforced upon constitutional kings, a keener sense on their part of participation in the national spirit and higher standards both of personal rectitude and of international dealings make corruption of this sort well nigh unthinkable in the modern world. To a large measure also these virtues have been extended over

1 Although most of the references to historic forms of corruption presented in the following pages are taken from the comparatively recent annals of nations which are still living, it is worth noting that the subject could also be illustrated abundantly from ancient history. Even prior to the Christian era Rome suffered from various kinds of political corruption that exist in very similar forms at the present day. Readers of the Old Testament find, particularly in the books of Isaiah and Micah, denunciations of social evils not unlike those published in contemporary magazines.

the whole administrative service of civilised states and absorbed as a part of current moral practice. Hence even in the case of inferior officials who have been seduced by foreign bribes, as e.g., the sale of military plans and secrets, a heavy penalty of popular obloquy is added to the severe penalty of the law.

The mention of Charles II. suggests another form of corruption, the earlier wide extension of which is familiar to every reader of history. In times past royal mistresses appeared openly at court, secured titles of nobility and grants of land for themselves, their children, and their favourites, dictated appointments in the civil and military service, and overruled decisions of internal and foreign policy. It may be admitted that the sexual morality of some contemporary monarchs is not above reproach. Yet the evil, so far as it exists to-day, is largely personal, and is chiefly objectionable because of its unfavourable influence upon the family life of the people at large. No modern king ruling over a civilised country, it is safe to say, could openly flaunt his mistresses and allow it to be seen that his passion for them affected his policies as head of the state.

As another illustration of the disappearance of certain forms of corruption once extremely common the famous case of Lord Bacon may be cited. His offence as Lord Chancellor consisted not in the taking of presents from suitors, for to do so

after judgment was the open practice of the time. Inadvertently, however, Bacon accepted a present before case was decided, and this was made the basis of the charge of corruption which brought about his downfall. The morality of the time had reached a stage at which it perceived clearly the corrupting effect upon the judicial mind of presents in advance of a decision, and held them to be bribes. It had not reached the modern point of view that the expectation of a present after giving decision is also corrupting, particularly since the present of one of the litigants is very likely to be larger than that of the other. One can safely maintain that the open receipt of presents by judicial officers of higher rank is extremely rare in English speaking countries and in Western Europe at the present time. Judges of our own lower courts are sometimes accused of truckling to the party influences to which they owe their election, but so far as it exists this is a much more subtle and surreptitious form of corruption than present giving, or as it would frankly be called nowadays, bribe-giving by litigants.1 Any approach, or even

1

Herbert Spencer shows "that from propitiatory presents, voluntary and exceptional to begin with but becoming as political power strengthens less voluntary and more general, there eventually grow up universal and involuntary contributions-established tribute; and that with the rise of a currency this passes into taxation" ("Principles of Sociology," vol. ii, pt. iv, ch. iv, p. 371), and further that "In our own history the case of Bacon exemplifies not a special and late

appearance of approach, to offences of the latter sort would call forth sharp expressions of condemnation. In his " Four Aspects of Civic Duty," President Taft presents a very striking and acute argument on the necessity of the exercise of extreme circumspection by judicial officials which will serve to illustrate the progress in morals from Lord Bacon's time to the present:

A most important principle in the success of a judicial system and procedure is that the administration of justice should seem to the public and the litigants to be impartial and righteous, as well as that it should actually be so. Continued lack of public confidence in the courts will sap their foundations. A careful and conscientious judge will, therefore, strive to avoid every appearance from which the always suspicious litigants may suspect an undue leaning toward the other side. He will give patient hearing to counsel for each party, and, however clear the case may be to him when stated, he will not betray his conclusion until he has heard in full from the party whose position cannot be supported. More than this, it not infrequently happens, however clear his mind in the outset, that argument, if he has not a pride of first opinion that is unjudicial, may lead him to change his view.

practice, but an old and usual one" (p. 372). Bribe giving may, therefore, be regarded as a lineal descendant of an old practice once regarded as legitimate, but now fallen under the ban. Given a social state in which public dues are open, regular, and fixed in amount, and in which bribery is distinctly reprobated, as contrasted with a social state in which present giving is common and tolerated or defended by public opinion, the higher moral standard of the former would seem beyond question.