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cause some distrust or question has been created in the minds of gentlemen who imagine that the new plan proposed here is identical with or similar in principle to the reform proposed by Mr. Hare, which is so complicated, and so far beyond the convenience of political society that there is good reason for opposition to it; or at least for distrusting it as an expedient in the management of elections.

Mr. Speaker, I shall not pursue the discussion of this subject any further, as it seems to be admitted that this particular bill is but a reasonable experiment-a reasonable experiment by which the merits and true character of this plan of voting can be ascertained and settled before the people.

[NOTE: Upon the conclusion of Mr. Buckalew's remarks, Mr. White and Mr. Osterhout addressed the Senate in support of the bill, which then passed the Senate without a call of the yeas and nays.

Subsequently, upon its consideration in the House of Representatives, the following letter in strong indorsement of the change proposed to be made by it in the manner of electing Councilmen in boroughs, was presented by Mr. Strang, a leading member of the House, and read by the Clerk:

BLOOMSBURG, May 8, 1871.

HON. B. B. STRANG:-DEAR SIR: Observing that on your motion the session of the House on Wednesday evening of this week is to be devoted to the consideration of the Borough Supplement bill, which among other useful changes provides for the introduction to a certain extent of the free vote into borough elections, we are induced to address to you a few earnest words recommendatory of the bill. In our judgment the pas sage of that bill will secure more of reform and improvement in boroughs than any other measure which the Legislature can enact, while it will familiarize the people with the new plan of voting, which has been so successful and satisfactory in our re

cent Bloomsburg elections. After having carefully observed the working of the new plan when put into practical operation, as it has been here at three elections, we are ready to approve it and to declare our opinion that it possesses great merit. It is readily comprehended by voters when they come to deposit ballots. It is of complete convenience in all cases, and it is just in its operation, giving to every considerable interest representation according to its relative strength. In addition to these valuable qualities possessed by no other system ever adopted in this State, the tendency of the new plan is to check, if not wholly prevent, improper combinations and corrupt practices at elections, and its certain effect must be to produce reformed administration in municipal affairs. These, with many other considerations which have, no doubt, suggested themselves to your mind, induce us to hope that your efforts to procure the passage of the bill through the House will be crowned with success.

With great respect yours, &c.,

WILLIAM ELWell,

President Judge.

D. A. BECKLEY,

Editor Republican.

H. L. DIEFFENBACH,

Editor Columbian.]

LETTER TO SECRETARY JORDAN.

THE REPRESENTATION OF SUCCESSIVE MAJORITIES.

TO FRANCIS JORDAN, Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.

SIR: In a letter of yours recently published you enumerate the several subjects which will be proper for consideration in the approaching Constitutional Convention of this State, and among others "Minority Representation" as one. This term "Minority Representation" is inaccurate and misleading as applied to the several plans of electoral reform which have been proposed in this country and partially applied by statutory enactments in this and in other States and notably by Constitutional amendment in the State of Illinois. No one proposes the representation of minorities by the limited, cumulative, or free vote, or by list or preferential voting, as those several plans have been explained, advocated, and partially applied in Europe and in the United States. They are all plans for the representation of successive majorities in plural elections, and all of them are intended to apply the majority principle of government more completely and justly than ever before. Let us not be misled by words ill understood, or perverted from their true signifi

cation, nor by reasoning which while pertinent to the election of a single person may be quite inapplicable to the election of several or many.

It is said, and the remark is quite true in a general sense, that ours is a system of self-government, but no plan of representation ever devised can make it such completely and beyond the possibility of a disfranchisement of some members of the electoral population. We must content ourselves with an approach to a standard of absolute perfection, without indulging hopes of ever reaching it by the utmost exertion of our powers. But we must approach it as nearly as we can, or we will be false to the principles we profess and subject ourselves to just reproach from the friends of free government in all lands. Our country is new and our experiment and trial of free institutions is being made not only upon a grand scale, but under conditions more favorable for success than ever before existed in the whole history of the human race.

The more complete representation of the people in government is, simply stated, the object of those who advocate electoral reform upon either of the plans before mentioned; but it is an entire mistake to assume that they intend to subordinate the greater to the less in any of the arrangements they propose, or to subvert or impair any principle heretofore accepted as sound and just in republican government. On the contrary, they adhere to the principle of majority government with admirable fidelity and give to it new, useful, and extended operation and effect. They represent more persons-disfranchise fewer ones-and cut off the main source of

electoral corruption, by carrying the majority principle further than it has ever been carried and placing a power for its effectual enforcement in the hands of the people themselves.

The force of these general remarks will be best exhibited by an illustration of the principle of extended representation to which they refer, and for such illustration I will take the case of Bloomsburg-my own town-where four elections have been held under the plan of the free vote. The town contains, say, 612 voters, 312 of whom are Democrats and 300 Republicans. (These are not far from the exact numbers as shown at recent elections.)

A President of the town Council is to be elected annually who is the principal executive officer of the town as well as President of the Council. If the 312 Democratic voters unite in support of a candidate he will be elected, and properly elected, upon the sound principle that a greater number shall be preferred to a less in the assignment of representation. A very few voters in this case turn the scale, but the result is perfectly just. There is but one majority to be considered and that in favor of the successful candidate.

Next, two Assessors of taxes are to be elected annually, and here the free vote comes into play and secures their division between parties. Each voter is permitted to give one vote to each of two candidates, or two votes to one. Each party, of course, will run but one candidate, because they can elect no more, and the second majority in the town is resented as well as the first. The figures are as fol

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