should be concluded. After a long debate, these words were agreed upon, and offered to the house for the protestation.

"conscience they could not do: and which they hoped the house did not intend to oblige them "to" whereupon, without any great opposition, (the house being thin; and they who were of another opinion, believing this artifice would, to all sober men, appear very ridiculous,) this ensuing order was made:

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"I A. B. do, in the presence of Almighty God, "promise, vow, and protest, to maintain and "defend, as far as lawfully I may, with my life, power, and estate, the true reformed pro"testant religion, expressed in the doctrine of "Whereas some doubts have been raised, by "the church of England, against all popery and " several persons out of this house, concerning the "popish innovations within this realm, contrary meaning of these words contained in the protest"to the same doctrine: and, according to the "ation lately made by the members of this house, duty of my allegiance, his majesty's royal per- [viz. the true reformed protestant religion, ex"son, honour, and estate; as also, the power pressed in the doctrine of the church of England, "and privileges of parliament; the lawful rights against all popery and popish innovations within and liberties of the subject; and every person "this realm, contrary to the same doctrine,] this "that maketh this protestation, in whatsoever "house doth declare, that by those words was and "he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the "is meant, only the public doctrine professed in same: and to my power, and as far as lawfully "the said church, so far as it is opposite to popery 66 I may, I will oppose, and, by all good ways "and popish innovations; and that the said words "and means, endeavour to bring to condign are not to be extended to the maintaining of any punishment, all such, as shall, either by force," form of worship, discipline, or government, nor practice, counsels, plots, conspiracies, or other-" of any rites, or ceremonies, of the said church of "wise, do any thing to the contrary of any thing" "in this present protestation contained: and This explanation being thus procured in the further, that I shall, in all just and honourable house of commons, without ever advising with the ways, endeavour to preserve the union and house of peers, (who had likewise taken the same peace between the three kingdoms of England, protestation,) and, in truth, so contrary to the Scotland, and Ireland; and neither for hope, intentions of most that took it; they ordered, 'fear, nor other respect, shall relinquish this" that the protestation, together with this explana"promise, vow, and protestation."

England."

"tion, should be printed and published; and that "the knights and burgesses should send copies "thereof to the counties and boroughs for which

they served; and that they should intimate "unto the people, with what willingness all the "members of that house made that protestation; and that they should further signify, that as they "did justify the taking it themselves, so they could "not but approve it in all such as should take it." Upon which declaration, the emissaries of the clergy caused the same to be taken in London, and the parts adjacent, within very few days after the publishing thereof. And for their better encouragement (though their zeal would not attend such formalities) a bill was prepared, passed the house of commons, and was sent up to the lords, "to compel all the subjects to take that protest"ation." What the success of that bill was, and what use was afterwards made of this protestation, (which was then thought so harmless a thing,) and particularly, what influence it had upon the business of the earl of Strafford, shall be remembered in its proper place.

This was immediately taken by the speaker of the house of commons, and by all the members then present; and sent up to the lords, who all likewise took the same, except the earl of Southampton, and the lord Roberts, who positively refused it, alleging, "There was no law that enjoined" "it, and the consequence of such voluntary engagements might produce effects that were not then intended:" which without doubt was very wisely considered; and had not been pressed in the house of commons, for two reasons; it being visibly impossible to dissuade the thing, the house being awakened by the discourse, mentioned before, of a plot against the parliament, the poison of which, this sovereign antidote would expel and discover; but especially for that well-affected persons, who were jealous of no other design than the alteration of the government of the church, thought they had obliged those rigid reformers from any such attempt, when they had once bound themselves "to maintain and defend the protestant "religion expressed in the doctrine of the church "of England;" there being no other scheme of the doctrine of the church of England, than the thirtynine Articles, of which one is, "to preserve the "government of the church by bishops."

Whereas the other party was abundantly gratified with having an oath of their own making, to entangle the people, (so like a covenant, by which such admirable things had been compassed by their neighbours,) and upon which they could make what gloss they pleased, when they had occasion; as they did within two days after for the protestation being taken on Monday the third of May, the Wednesday following some of their own party took occasion to inform the house, " that it was apprehended by many well-affected persons abroad, "who were of notable and exemplary devotion to "the parliament, that if they should take that "protestation, they should thereby engage them"selves for the defence of bishops, which in their

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The other accident that fell out during the time that the business of the earl of Strafford was agitated, and by which he received much prejudice, was the death of the earl of Bedford. This lord was the greatest person of interest in all the popular party, being of the best estate, and best understanding, of the whole party; and therefore most like to govern the rest. He was besides of great civility, and of much more good-nature than any of the other. And therefore the king, resolving to do his business with that party by him, resolved to make him lord high treasurer of England, in the place of the bishop of London; who was as willing to lay down the office, as any body was to take it up. And to gratify him the more, at his desire, intended to make Mr. Pym chancellor of the exchequer, as he had done Mr. Saint-John his solicitor general; Mr. Hollis was to be secretary of state, the lord Say master of the wards, and the lord Kimbolton

to be lord privy-seal after the death of his father, who then held that place. Others were to be placed about the prince, and to have offices when they fell.

The earl of Bedford secretly undertook to his majesty, that the earl of Strafford's life should be preserved; and to procure his revenue to be settled, as amply as any of his progenitors; the which he intended so really, that, to my knowledge, he had it in design to endeavour the setting up the excise in England, as the only natural means to advance the king's profit. He fell sick within a week after the bill of attainder was sent up to the lords' house; and died shortly after, much afflicted with the passion and fury which he perceived his party inclined to: insomuch as he declared, to some of near trust with him, "that he feared the rage and madness "of this parliament would bring more prejudice and "mischief to the kingdom, than it had ever sus"tained by the long intermission of parliaments." He was a wise man, and would have proposed and advised moderate courses; but was not incapable, for want of resolution, of being carried into violent ones, if his advice would not have been submitted to: and therefore many, who knew him well, thought his death not unseasonable, as well to his fame, as his fortune; and that it rescued him as well from some possible guilt, as from those visible misfortunes, which men of all conditions have since undergone.

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"sure it would prevail; but if he declined it, he "could not promise his majesty what would be the "issue, and should hold himself absolutely disengaged from any undertaking.' The king observing his positiveness, and conceiving his intentions to be very sincere, suffered himself to be guided by him; and immediately went to the house, and said as the other had advised. Whether that lord did in truth believe the discovery of his majesty's conscience in that manner would produce the effect he foretold; or whether he advised it treacherously, to bring on those inconveniences which afterwards happened; I know not but many, who believed his will to be much worse than his understanding, had the uncharitableness to believe, that he intended to betray his master, and to put the ruin of the earl out of question.

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The event proved very fatal; for the king no sooner returned from the house, than the house of commons, in great passion and fury, declared this last act of his majesty's to be "the most unparal"leled breach of privilege, that had ever happened; "that if his majesty might take notice what bills were passing in either house, and declare his own opinion, it was to forejudge their counsels, and they should not be able to supply the common"wealth with wholesome laws, suitable to the diseases it laboured under; that this was the great"est obstruction of justice, that could be imagined; "that they, and whosoever had taken the late pro"testation, were bound to maintain the privileges "of parliament, which were now so grossly in"vaded and violated:" with many other sharp discourses to that purpose.

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As soon as the earl of Bedford was dead, the lord Say (hoping to receive the reward of the treasurership) succeeded him in his undertaking, and faithfully promised the king, "that he should not be pressed in the matter of the earl of Strafford's The next day great multitudes of people came "life" and under that promise got credit enough down to Westminster, and crowded about the house to persuade his majesty to whatsoever he told was of peers, exclaiming with great outcries, "that necessary to that business. And thereupon, when they would have justice;" and publicly reading the bill was depending with the lords, and when the names of those who had dissented from that there was little suspicion that it would pass, though bill in the house of commons, as enemies to their the house of commons every day by messages en- country; and as any lord passed by, called, Justice, deavoured to quicken them, he persuaded the king justice! and with great rudeness and insolence, "to go to the house of peers, and, according to pressing upon, and thrusting, those lords whom "custom, to send for the house of commons, and they suspected not to favour that bill; professing "then to declare himself, that he could not, with aloud, "that they would be governed and disposed "the safety of a good conscience, ever give his by the honourable house of commons, and would consent to the bill that was there depending before" defend their privileges according to their late "them concerning the earl of Strafford, if it should" "be brought to him, because he was not satisfied "in the point of treason: but he was so fully satis"fied that the earl was unfit ever to serve him 66 more, in any condition of employment, that he "would join with them in any act, to make him utterly incapable of ever bearing office, or having any other employment in any of his majesty's "dominions; which he hoped would satisfy them." This advice, upon the confidence of the giver, the king resolved to follow: but when his resolution was imparted to the earl, he immediately sent his brother to him, beseeching his majesty "by no means to take that way, for that he was most "assured it would prove very pernicious to him; " and therefore desired, he might depend upon the "honour and conscience of the peers, without his majesty's interposition." The king told his brother," that he had taken that resolution by the "advice of his best friends; but since he liked [it] not, he would decline it." The next morning the lord Say came again to him, and finding his majesty altered in his intention, told him, "if he "took that course he had advised him, he was

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protestation.' This unheard of act of insolence and sedition continued so many days, till many lords grew so really apprehensive of having their brains beaten out, that they absented themselves from the house; and others, finding what seconds the house of commons was like to have to compass whatever they desired, changed their minds; and so in an afternoon, when of the fourscore who had been present at the trial, there were only six and forty lords in the house, (the good people still crying at the doors for justice,) they put the bill to the question, and eleven lords only dissenting, it passed that house, and was ready for the king's assent.

The king continued as resolved never to give his consent. The same oratory then attended him at Whitehall, which had prevailed at Westminster; and a rabble of many thousand people besieged that place, crying out, Justice, justice; that they would have justice; not without great and insolent threats and expressions, what they would do, if it were not speedily granted. The privy-council was called together, to advise what course was to be taken to suppress these traitorous riots. Instead of considering how to rescue their master's honour

and his conscience from this infamous violence and constraint, they press the king to pass the bill of attainder, saying, "there was no other way to preserve himself and his posterity, than by so doing; "and therefore that he ought to be more tender "of the safety of the kingdom, than of any one person how innocent soever:" not one counsellor interposing his opinion, to support his master's magnanimity and innocence: they who were of that mind, either suppressing their thoughts through fear, upon the new doctrine established then by the new counsellors, "that no man ought to presume to advise any thing in that place contrary to the sense of both houses;" others sadly believing, the force and violence offered to the king would be, before God and man, a just excuse for whatsoever he should do.

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His majesty told them, "that what was proposed to him to do, was in a diameter contrary "to his conscience, and that being so, he was sure they would not persuade him to it, though them"selves were never so well satisfied." To that point, they desired him "to confer with his bishops, who, they made no question, would "better inform his conscience." The archbishop of York was at hand; who, to his argument of conscience, told him, "that there was a private and a public conscience; that his public con"science as a king might not only dispense with, "but oblige him to do that which was against his private conscience as a man: and that the ques"tion was not, whether he should save the earl of "Strafford, but, whether he should perish with "him that the conscience of a king to preserve "his kingdom, the conscience of a husband to preserve his wife, the conscience of a father to preserve his children, (all which were now in danger,) weighed down abundantly all the con"siderations the conscience of a master or a friend "could suggest to him, for the preservation of a friend, or servant." And by such unprelatical, ignominious arguments, in plain terms advised him, even for conscience sake, to pass that act." Though this bishop acted his part with more prodigious boldness and impiety, the other of the same function (of whose learning and sincerity the king and the world had greater reverence) did not what might have been expected from their calling or their trust; but at least forbore to fortify and confirm a conscience, upon the courage and piety of which, themselves and their order did absolutely depend.

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The delivery of this letter being quickly known, new arguments were applied; "that this free con"sent of his own clearly absolved the king from any scruple that could remain with him ;" and so in the end they extorted from him, to sign a commission to some lords to pass the bill: which was as valid as if he had signed it himself; though they comforted him even with that circumstance, " that his own hand was not in it."

It may easily be said, that the freedom of the parliament, and his own negative voice, being thus barbarously invaded, if his majesty had, instead of passing that act, come to the house and dissolved the parliament; or if he had withdrawn himself from that seditious city, and put himself in the head of his own army; much of the mischief, which hath since happened, would have been prevented. But whoever truly considers the state of affairs at that time; the prevalency of that faction in both houses; the rage and fury of the people; the use that was made by the schismatical preachers (by whom all the orthodox were silenced) of the late protestation in their pulpits; the fears and jealousies they had infused into the minds of many sober men, upon the discourse of the late plot; the constitution of the council-table, that there was not an honest man durst speak his conscience to the king, for fear of his ruin; and that those, whom he thought most true to him, betrayed him every hour, insomuch as his whispers in his bedchamber were instantly conveyed to those against whom those whispers were; so that he had very few men to whom he could breathe his conscience and complaint, that were not suborned against him, or averse to his opinions: that on the other side, if some expedient were not speedily found out, to allay that frantic rage and combination in the people, there was reason enough to believe, their impious hands would be lifted up against his own person, and (which he much more apprehended) against the person of his royal consort and lastly, that (besides the difficulty of getting thither except he would have gone alone) he had no ground to be very confident of his own army: I say, whoever sadly contemplates this, will find cause to confess, the part which the king had to act was not only harder than any prince, but than any private gentleman, had been incumbent to; and that it is much easier, upon the accidents and occurrences which have since happened, to determine what was not to have been done, than at that time to have foreseen, by what means to have freed himself from the labyrinth in which he was involved.

All things being thus transacted, to conclude the fate of this great person, he was on the twelfth day of May brought from the Tower of London (where he had been a prisoner near six months) to the scaffold on Tower-hill; where, with a composed, undaunted courage, he told the people,

"he

During these perplexities, the earl of Strafford, taking notice of the straits the king was in, the rage of the people still increasing, (from whence he might expect a certain outrage and ruin, how constant soever the king continued to him; and, it may be, knowing of an undertaking (for such an undertaking there was) by a great person, who had then a command in the Tower, "that if the king "refused to pass the bill, to free the kingdom was come thither to satisfy them with his head; "from the hazard it seemed to be in, he would "but that he much feared, the reformation which cause his head to be stricken off in the Tower,") "was begun in blood would not prove so fortunate writ a most pathetical letter to the king, full of "to the kingdom, as they expected, and he wishacknowledgment of his favours; but lively pre- "ed:" and after great expressions" of his devosenting "the dangers, which threatened himself" tion to the church of England, and the protest"and his posterity, by his obstinacy in those "ant religion established by law, and professed "favours ;" and therefore by many arguments "in that church; of his loyalty to the king, and conjuring him "no longer to defer his assent to "the bill, that so his death might free the kingdom "from the many troubles it apprehended."

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"affection to the peace and welfare of the king"dom;" with marvellous tranquillity of mind, he delivered his head to the block, where it was