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gentlemen of the country who had most depended upon him, and been obliged by him, withdrawing their application and attendance, and entering into combination with his greatest enemies against him. It is not to be denied, the king was in very great straits, and had it not in his power absolutely to choose which way he would go; and well foresaw, that a parliament in that conjuncture of affairs would not apply natural and proper remedies to the disease; for though it was not imaginable it would have run the courses it afterwards did, yet it was visible enough he must resign very much to their affections and appetite, (which were not like to be contained within any modest hounds,) and therefore no question his majesty did not think of calling a parliament at first, but was wrought to it by degrees: yet the great council could not but produce the other; where the unskilfulness and passion of some for want of discerning consequences, and a general sharpness and animosity against persons, did more mischief than the power or malice of those who had a formed design of confusion; for without doubt that fire at that time (which did shortly after burn the whole kingdom) might have been covered under a bushel. So as in truth there was no counsel so necessary then, as for the king to have continued in his army, and to have drawn none thither, but such as were more afraid of dishonour than danger; and to have trusted the justice and power of the law with suppressing of tumults, and quieting disorders in his

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It is strange, and had somewhat of a judgment from Heaven in it, that all the industry and learning of the late years had been bestowed in finding out and evincing, that in case of necessity any extraordinary way for supply was lawful; and upon that ground had proceeded when there was no necessity; and now, when the necessity was apparent, money must be levied in the ordinary course of parliament, which was then more unnatural and extraordinary than the other had been; as York must be defended from an enemy within twenty-five miles of it, by money to be given at London six weeks after, and to be gathered in six months. It had been only the season and evidence of necessity that had been questioned; and the view of it in a perspective of state at a distance that no eyes could reach, denied to be ground enough for an imposition: as no man could pull down his neighbour's house because it stood next furze, or thatch, or some combustible matter which might take fire; though he might do it when that combustible matter was really a-fire. But it was never denied that flagrante bello, when an enemy had actually invaded the kingdom, and so the necessity both seen and felt, that all men's goods are the goods of the public, to be applied to the public safety, and as carefully to be repaired by the public stock. And it is very probable, (since the factions within, and the correspondence abroad was so apparent, that a parliament then called would do the business of the Scots, and of those who invited them hither,) that if the king had positively declared, that he would have no parliament as long as that army stayed in England, but as soon as they were retired into their own country he would summon one, and refer all matters to their advice, and even be advised by them in the composing the distractions of Scotland: I say, it is probable, that they would either willingly have left the kingdom,

or speedily have been compelled; there being at that time an army in Ireland (as was said before) ready to have visited their own country.

Neither would the indisposition of the king's army (which was begot only by those infusions, that there must of necessity be a parliament, which would prevent farther fighting) have lasted, when they had found those authors confuted; for the army was constituted of good officers, which were more capable of being deceived by their friends, than imposed upon by their enemies; and they had their soldiers in good devotion, and the business of Newburn would rather have been a spur than a bit to all. And it had been much the best course that could have been taken, if, after the fright at Newburn, the king, as well as the earl of Strafford, had made haste to Durham, and kept that post, without staying at York; and after some exemplary justice and disgrace upon the chief officers who were faulty, till the army had recovered their spirits, (which in a very short time it did with shame and indignation enough,) had marched directly against the Scots; by which they would have speedily dispossessed them of their new conquest, and forced them to have run distracted into their own country; as may be reasonably concluded from their behaviour whenever they were assaulted afterwards by the English.

And it is as strange, that the experience of the last summer, when the attendance of so great a number of the nobility (who had no mind to the war, and as little devotion to the court) was the true ground and cause of that ridiculous pacification, did not prevail with the king never to convene the same company to him; which could do him very little good, if they had desired it; and could not but do him more harm than even the worst of them at that time intended to do: for it might very easily have been foreseen, that the calling so many discontented, or disobliged, or disaffected men together, with a liberty to consult and advise, very few whereof had that affection and reverence for the person of the king as they ought to have had, though scarce any of them had at that time that mischief in their hearts which they afterwards discovered against him, or indeed had the least purpose to rebel: I say, the calling such men together could not but make every man much worse than they came, and put worse thoughts into their heads than they brought with them, when the miscarriage as well as the misfortune of the court would be the common argument and discourse; and when they would quickly discern, that it was like to be in every one of their powers to contribute to the destruction, at least to the disgrace, of men they had no kindness for, and most of them great animosity against.

But the king was without the presence and attendance of any man in whose judgment and wisdom he had a full confidence; for the earl of Strafford was at the army; and they who first proposed the calling the peers knew well enough that the king knew parliaments too well to be inclined to call one, if they should propose it; and therefore they proposed another expedient, which he knew not; and so was surprised with the advice, (which he thought could do no harm,) and so gave direction for the issuing out of the writs, before he enough considered whether it might not in truth produce some mischief he had not well thought of; as he quickly found it. Nor did the

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Scots themselves resolve to give him more disquiet in the ensuing parliament, than the major part of his great council, that he brought together, resolved to concur with them therein: and with that disposition, which they could never have contracted if they had remained by themselves, they all hastened to the place where they might do the mischief they intended.

the government, affronted the magistrates and ministers of justice, and his majesty's own regal authority, with unheard of insolences and contempts; rejected all his offers of grace and pardon, and, without cause or provocation, denounced war against him; besieged and taken the castle of Edinburgh, and other places which held for his majesty; I say, if this had been made as evident to them as surely it might have been made, it is not possible but those noble persons would have preserved themselves from being deluded by them; at least many of the inconveniences which after ensued would have been prevented, if the form and method of their proceedings had been prescribed, or better looked into.

The next error to this was, that at the meeting of the great council at York, and before any consent to the treaty at Rippon, there was not a state made, and information given of the whole proceedings in Scotland, and thereupon some debate and judgment by the whole council before the sixteen departed, for their information and instruction: and this had been strangely omitted before at the But it must be confessed, that in that conjuncpacification, insomuch as many who had been em- ture such necessary evidence and information could ployed in that first at the Berkes, and in the last very hardly be given: for though it must not be at Rippon, confessed that neither of them (and doubted that there were many particular persons of they were of the prime quality) then did, or ever honour of that nation who abhorred the outrages after, know any thing of the laws and customs of which were committed, and retained within their that kingdom (by which they might have judged own breasts very loyal wishes for his majesty's whether the king had exceeded his just power, or prosperity; yet it cannot be denied that those any thing of the matter of fact in the several trans- persons, who by the places they held (of king's adactions) but what they had received at those meet-vocate, and other offices) ought to have made that ings from the persons who were naturally to make their own defence, and so by accusing others to make their own case the more plausible; in which it could not be expected they would mention any thing for their own disadvantage.

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By them they were told "of a liturgy imposed upon them by their bishops, contrary [to] or "without act of parliament, with strange circum"stances of severity and rigour of some clauses "in that liturgy, different from that of the church "of England" with pretty smart comments of advice, and animadversion upon those alterations: “of a book of canons, in which an extraordinary "and extravagant power was asserted to the bishops of a high commission court, which "exceeded all limits, and censured all degrees of 66 men: of the insolent speeches of this bishop to "that nobleman, and of the ill life of another of "their great humility and duty to their sacred sovereign, without whose favour and protection they would not live:" and, lastly, "of their "several most submiss addresses, by petition and "all other ways, to his majesty; being desirous, "when their grievances were but heard, to lay "themselves and their complaints at his royal feet, " and to be most entirely disposed by him in such manner, as to his wisdom alone should be thought "fit: but that, by the power and interposition of "their adversaries, all their supplications had been rejected, and they never yet admitted to be "heard."

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With these and the like artifices our good lords were so wrought upon and transported, that they easily consented to whatsoever was proposed; nor was there any proposition made and insisted on by them at the first or second treaty, which was not for the matter fully consented to: whereas, if their lordships had been fully advertised of the whole truth, (though there had been some inadvertencies and incogitancy in the circumstances of the transaction,) his majesty had full power, by the laws of Scotland then in force, to make that reformation he intended; and all their petitions and addresses had found most gracious acceptance, and received most gracious answers; and that, on the contrary, they had invaded all the rights of the crown, altered

information of matter of law, and matter of fact, were themselves the most active promoters of the rebellion; and the defection, as to any declaration on his majesty's behalf, was so general, that they who were not corrupted in their inward fidelity were so terrified, that they durst not appear in any office that might provoke those who solely had the power and the will to destroy them.

The last and most confounding error was the removing the treaty to London, and upon any terms consenting that the Scottish commissioners should reside there before a peace concluded. By which means, they had not only opportunity to publish all their counsels and directions in their sermons to the people, (who resorted thither in incredible numbers,) and to give their advice, from time to time, to those of the English who knew not so well yet to compass their own ends, but were ready (when any business was too big and unwieldy to be managed by the few who were yet throughly engaged) to interpose in the name of their nation, and, with reference to things or persons, to make such demands from and on the behalf of the kingdom of Scotland, as under no other style would have received any countenance : and this brought that universal terror with it (as will appear to the life in the process of this relation) upon those of nearest relation to the king's service, as well as those at a greater distance, who clearly discerned and detested the villainy and wickedness of those transactions, that their wariness and wisdom could not be great enough to preserve them, if they did not stupidly look on without seeming to understand what they could in no degree control or prevent.

In all conspiracies there must be great secrecy, consent, and union; yet it can hardly be conceived, with what entire confidence in each other the numerous proud and indigent nobility of Scotland (for of the common people, who are naturally slaves to the other, there can be no wonder) concurred in the carrying on this rebellion: their strange condescension and submission to their ignorant and insolent clergy, who were to have great authority, because they were to inflame all sorts of men upon the obligations of conscience; and in order there

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unto, and to revenge a little indiscretion and ill manners of some of the bishops, had liberty to erect a tribunal the most tyrannical over all sorts of men, and in all the families of the kingdom: so that the preacher reprehended the husband, governed the wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the servants, in the houses of the greatest men. They referred the managery and conduct of the whole affair to a committee of a few, who had never before exercised any office or authority in the public, with that perfect resignation and obedience, that nobody presumed to inquire what was to be done, or to murmur at or censure any thing that was done; and the general himself, and the martial affairs, were subject to this regimen and discipline as well as the civil: yet they who were intrusted with this superiority, paid all the outward respect and reverence to the person of the general, as if the sole power and disposal had been in him alone.

The few English (for there were yet but very few who were intrusted from the beginning of the enterprise, and with all that was then projected) were men of reserved and dark natures, of great industry and address, and of much reputation for probity and integrity of life, and who trusted none but those who were contented to be trusted to that degree as they were willing to trust them, without being inquisitive into more than they were ready to communicate, and for the rest depended upon their discretion and judgment; and so prepared and disposed, by second and third hands, many to concur and contribute to many preparatory actions, who would never have consented to those conclusions which naturally resulted from those premises. This united strength, and humble and active temper, was not encountered by an equal providence and circumspection in the king's councils, or an equal temper and dutiful disposition in the court; nor did they, who resolved honestly and stoutly to discharge the offices of good servants and good subjects to the utmost opposition of all unlawful attempts, communicate their purposes to

men of the same integrity, that so they might unite their counsels as well in the manner and way, as their resolutions in the end. But every one thought it enough to preserve his own innocence, and to leave the rest to those who should have authority to direct. The king was perplexed and irresolute, and, according to his natural constitution, (which never disposed him to jealousy of any man of whom he had once thought well,) was full of hope, that his condition was not so bad as it seemed to be. The queen, how much troubled soever, wished much better to the earl of Holland, than to the archbishop, or the earl of Strafford, neither of them being in any degree acceptable to her; so that she was little concerned for the danger that threatened them: but when she saw the king's honour and dignity invaded in the prosecution, she withdrew her favour from the earl of Holland: but then she was persuaded, by those who had most credit with her, to believe, that, by the removal of the great ministers, her power and authority would be increased, and that the prevailing party would be willing to depend upon her; and that, by gratifying the principal persons of them with such preferments as they affected, she would quickly reconcile all ill humours; and so she hearkened to any overtures of that kind; which were always carried on without the consent or privity of those who were concerned, who in truth more disliked her absolute power with the king, than any other excess of the court, and looked upon it as the greatest grievance. Every man there considered only what application would be most like to raise his own fortune, or to do him harm with whom he was angry, and gave himself wholly up to those artifices which might promote either. To preserve themselves from the displeasure and censure of the parliament, and to render themselves gracious to those who were like to be powerful in it, was all men's business and solicitude. And in this very unequal and disproportioned condition and temper, was the king's and the Scottish army, the court and the country, when the parliament met.

END OF THE SECOND BOOK.

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THE

HISTORY OF THE REBELLION, &c.

BOOK III.

THE HE parliament met upon the third of Novem- Upon the perusal of all the returns into the ber, 1640, with a fuller appearance than could crown office, there were not found many lawyers of be reasonably expected, from the short time for eminent name, (though many of them proved very elections after the issuing out of the writs; inso- eminent men afterwards,) or who had served long much as at the first [not] many members were in former parliaments, the experience whereof was absent. It had a sad and a melancholic aspect upon to be wished; and men of that profession had been the first entrance, which presaged some unusual always thought the most proper for that service, and unnatural events. The king himself did not and the putting it out of that channel at that time ride with his accustomed equipage nor in his usual was thought too hazardous; so that, after all the majesty to Westminster, but went privately in his deliberation that time would admit, Mr. Lenthall, barge to the parliament stairs, and so to the church, a bencher of Lincoln's Inn, (a lawyer of competent as if it had been to a return of a prorogued or ad- practice, and no ill reputation for his affection to journed parliament. And there was likewise an the government both of church and state,) was untoward, and in truth an unheard of accident, pitched upon by the king, and with very great difwhich brake many of the king's measures, and in- ficulty rather prevailed with than persuaded to finitely disordered his service, beyond a capacity of accept the charge. And no doubt a worse could reparation. From the time the calling a parlia- not have been deputed of all that profession who ment was resolved upon, the king designed sir were then returned; for he was a man of a very Thomas Gardiner, who was recorder of London, narrow, timorous nature, and of no experience or to be speaker in the house of commons; a man of conversation in the affairs of the kingdom, beyond gravity and quickness, that had somewhat of au- what the very drudgery in his profession (in which thority and gracefulness in his person and presence, all his design was to make himself rich) engaged and in all respects equal to the service. There him in. In a word, he was in all respects very was little doubt but that he would be chosen to unequal to the work; and not knowing how to serve in one of the four places for the city of Lon- preserve his own dignity, or to restrain the license don, which had very rarely rejected their recorder and exorbitance of others, his weakness contributed upon that occasion; and lest that should fail, dili- as much to the growing mischiefs, as the malice of gence was used in one or two other places that he the principal contrivers. However, after the king might be elected. The opposition was so great, had that afternoon commended the distracted conand the faction so strong, to hinder his being dition of the kingdom (with too little majesty) to elected in the city, that four others were chosen the wisdom of the two houses of parliament, to for that service, without hardly mentioning his have such reformation and remedies applied as they name: nor was there less industry used to prevent should think fit, proposing to them, as the best his being chosen in other places; clerks were cor- rule for their counsels, "that all things should be rupted not to make out the writs for one place," reduced to the practice of the time of queen and ways were found to hinder the writ from being "Elizabeth:" the house of commons no sooner executed in another, time enough for the return returned to their house, than they chose Mr. Lentbefore the meeting: so great a fear there was, that hall to be their speaker; and two days after, with a man of entire affections to the king, and of pru- the usual ceremonies and circumstances, presented dence enough to manage those affections, and to him to the king, who declared his acceptation; and regulate the contrary, should be put into that so both houses were ready for their work. chair. So that the very morning the parliament was to meet, and when the king intended to go thither, he was informed, that sir Thomas Gardiner was not returned to serve as a member in the house of commons, and so was not capable of being chosen to be speaker; so that his majesty deferred his going to the house till the afternoon, by which time he was to think of another speaker.

There was observed a marvellous elated countenance in most of the members of parliament before they met together in the house; the same men who six months before were observed to be of very moderate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies might be applied, without opening the wound too wide, and exposing it to the air, and rather to cure what was amiss than too strictly to make inquisition into the causes and original of the malady,

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"author and promoter of all those counsels which "had exposed the kingdom to so much ruin:" and so instanced some high and imperious actions done by him in England and in Ireland, some proud and over-confident expressions in discourse, and some passionate advices he had given in the most secret councils and debates of the affairs of state; adding some lighter passages of his vanity and amours; that they who were not inflamed with anger and detestation against him for the former, might have less esteem and reverence for his prudence and discretion: and so concluded, "That they would "well consider how to provide a remedy propor"tionable to the disease, and to prevent the far"ther mischiefs which they were to expect from "the continuance of this great man's power and "credit with the king, and his influence upon his "counsels."

From the time that the earl of Strafford was named, most men believed that there would be some committee named to receive information of all his miscarriages, and that, upon report thereof, they would farther consider what course to take in the examination and prosecution thereof: but they had already prepared and digested their business to a riper period.

talked now in another dialect both of things and persons. Mr. Hyde, who was returned to serve for a borough in Cornwall, met Mr. Pym in Westminster-hall some days before the parliament, and conferring together upon the state of affairs, the other told him, Mr. Hyde," that they must now "be of another temper than they were the last parliament; that they must not only sweep the "house clean below, but must pull down all the "cobwebs which hung in the top and corners, that they might not breed dust, and so make a foul "house hereafter; that they had now an opportunity to make their country happy, by removing "all grievances, and pulling up the causes of them by the roots, if all men would do their duties;" and used much other sharp discourse to him to the same purpose: by which it was discerned, that the warmest and boldest counsels and overtures would find a much better reception than those of a more temperate allay; which fell out accordingly and the very first day they met together, in which they could enter upon business, Mr. Pym, in a long, formed discourse, lamented the miserable state and condition of the kingdom, aggravated all the particulars which had been done amiss in the government, as "done and contrived maliciously, and upon deliberation, to change the whole frame, "and to deprive the nation of all the liberty and property which was their birthright by the laws "of the land, which were now no more considered, "but subjected to the arbitrary power of the privy"council, which governed the kingdom according "to their will and pleasure; these calamities falling upon us in the reign of a pious and virtuous "king, who loved his people, and was a great lover "of justice." And thereupon enlarging in some specious commendation of the nature and goodness" of the king, that he might wound him with less suspicion, he said, "We must inquire from what" "fountain these waters of bitterness flowed; what persons they were who had so far insinuated "themselves into his royal affections, as to be able" "to pervert his excellent judgment, to abuse his name, and wickedly apply his authority to coun"tenance and support their own corrupt designs. Though he doubted there would be many found "of this classis, who had contributed their joint "endeavours to bring this misery upon the nation; yet he believed there was one more signal in that "administration than the rest, being a man of great parts and contrivance, and of great industry to bring what he designed to pass; a man, "who in the memory of many present had sat in "that house an earnest vindicator of the laws, and a most zealous assertor and champion for the "liberties of the people; but that it was long since "he turned apostate from those good affections, and, according to the custom and nature of apostates, was become the greatest enemy to the "liberties of his country, and the greatest pro"moter of tyranny that any age had produced;" and then named "the earl of Strafford, lord lieu"tenant of Ireland, and lord president of the "council established in York, for the northern parts of the kingdom: who, he said, had in both Then sir John Hotham, and some other Yorkplaces, and in all other provinces wherein his shire men, who had received some disobligation service had been used by the king, raised ample from the earl in the country, continued the invecmonuments of his tyrannical nature; and that he tive, mentioning many particulars of his imperious believed, if they took a short survey of his actions carriage, and that he had, in the face of the coun" and behaviour, they would find him the principal | try, upon the execution of some illegal commission,

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Mr. Pym had no sooner finished his discourse, than sir John Clotworthy (a gentleman of Ireland, and utterly unknown in England, who was, by the contrivance and recommendation of some powerful persons, returned to serve for a borough in Devonshire, that so he might be enabled to act this part against the lord lieutenant) made a long and confused relation" of his tyrannical carriage in that 'kingdom; of the army he had raised there to "invade Scotland; how he had threatened the parliament, if they granted not such supplies as "he required; of an oath he had framed to be administered to all the Scottish nation which in"habited that kingdom, and his severe proceedings against some persons of quality who refused to take that oath; and that he had with great pride " and passion publicly declared at his leaving that kingdom, If ever he should return to that sword, "he would not leave a Scottish-man to inhabit in "Ireland:" with a multitude of very exalted expressions, and some very high actions in his administration of that government, in which the lives as well as the fortunes of men had been disposed of out of the common road of justice: all which made him to be looked upon as a man very terrible, and under whose authority men would not choose to put themselves.

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