AMERICA'S FALSE SECURITY.

I very much fear, that we, taking it for granted, that we have nothing more to do, because France has acknowledged our Independency, and formed an alliance with us, shall relapse into a state of supineness and false security.

I think it more than probable, from the situation of affairs in Europe, that the enemy will receive no considerable, if any, reinforcements. But suppose they should not, their remaining force, if well directed, is far from being contemptible. In the desperate state of British affairs, it is worth a desperate attempt to extricate themselves; and a blow at our main army, if successful, would have a wonderful effect upon the minds of a number of people, still wishing to embrace the present terms, or indeed any terms offered by Great Britain.

FRANCE AND AMERICA.

The Court of France has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and if we disappoint her intentions, by our supineness, we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind. Nor can we, after that, venture to confide, that our allies will persist in an attempt to establish what, it will appear, we want inclination or ability to assist them in.

1780.

The present instance of the friendship of the Court of France, is attended with every circumstance that can render it important and agreeable, that can interest our gratitude, or fix our emulation.

1780.

FRENCH OFFICERS IN AMERICA.

In the midst of a war, the nature and difficulties of which are peculiar and uncommon, I cannot flatter myself in any way to recompense the sacrifices they have made, but by giving them such opportunities in the field of glory, as will enable them to display that gallantry, and those talents, which we shall always be happy to acknowledge with applause.

1780.

FRENCH MILITARY CHARACTER.

To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. Wonderful people! Ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant exploits.

1796.

FRANCE.

It is a country to which I shall ever feel a warı

affection.

1783.

5. FINANCE.

PUBLIC CREDIT.

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish Public Credit.

One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense, by cultivating peace; but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear.

The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue, there must be Taxes; that no Taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment,

inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate

1796.

An adequate provision for the support of the Public Credit, is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity.

1790.

NATIONAL RESOURCES.

The country does not want resources, but we the means of drawing them forth.

1780.

No nation will have it more in its power, to repay what it borrows, than this. Our debts are, hitherto, small, The vast and valuable tracts of unlocated lands, the variety and fertility of climates and soils, the advantages of every kind which we possess, for commerce, insure to this country a rapid advancement in population and prosperity, and a certainty, its independence being established, of redeeming, in a short term of years, the comparatively inconsiderable debts it may have occasion to contract. 1781.

The concurrence of virtuous individuals, and the

combination of economical societies, to rely, as much as possible, on the resources of our own country, may be productive of great national advantages, by establishing the habits of industry and economy.

1789.

NATIONAL DEBT.

The system proposed by Congress, being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objectionable of any that could be devised. And if it shall not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place, before any different plan can possibly be proposed and adopted.

1783.

Let us, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public contracts, which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make, for the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements.

I entertain a strong hope, that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured, to enable you to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement, for the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt, according to the right which has

*The House of Representatives.