civil subordination to the privileged order of Protestants. And a fourth openly and unequivocally declared, that national justice and national policy demanded the complete emancipation of the Catholics, and a perfect civil amalgamation of the whole Irish people. There is no question, but that the slightest interference of government would have procured at that time much larger concessions than those which the bills imported. The public mind had not as yet shaken off its old trammels of prejudice.*

The enlightened mind of Mr. Burke saw things as they really were through the mists and clouds of invete ate habit, prejudice and bigotry, which disfigured them to others. In a letter he wrote to a noble peer of Ireland upon this bill (printed in London 1785) he says, "To look at the bill, in the abstract, it "is neither more nor less than a renewed act of universal, unmitigated, in"dispensable, exceptionless disqualification. One would imagine that a bill "inflicting such a multitude of incapacities, had followed on the heels of a "conquest, made by a very fierce enemy, under the impression of recent ani"mosity and resentment. No man, on reading that bill, could imagine he was "reading an act of amnesty and indulgence. This I say on memory. It re"cites the oath, and that Catholics ought to be considered as good and loyal "subjects to his majesty, his crown and government: then follows an universal "exclusion of those good and loyal subjects from every, even the lowest office "of trust and profit, or from any vote at an election; from any privilege in a "town corporate; from being even a freeman of such corporations; from "serving on grand juries; from a vote at a vestry; from having a gun in his "house, from being a barrister, attorney, solicitor, or &c. &c. &c.

"This has surely more of the air of a table of proscriptions, than an act of grace. What must we suppose the laws concerning those good subjects to "have been, of which this is a relaxation? When a very great portion of the "labour of individuals goes to the state, and is by the state again refunded to "individuals through the medium of offices, and in this circuitous progress "from the public to the private fund, indemnifies the families from whom it is "taken, an equitable balance between the government and the subject is es"tablished. But if a great body of the people who contribute to this state "lottery, are excluded from all the prizes, the stopping the circulation with "regard to them must be a most cruel hardship, amounting in effect to being "double and treble taxed, and will be felt as such to the very quick by all the "families high and low, of those hundreds of thousands, who are denied their "chance in the returned fruits of their own industry. This is the thing meant "by those who look on the public revenue only as a spoil; and will naturally "wish to have as few as possible concerned in the division of the booty. If a "state should be so unhappy as to think it cannot subsist without such a bar"barous proscription, the persons so proscribed ought to be indemnified "by the remission of a large part of their taxes, by an immunity from the "offices of public burden, and by an exemption from being pressed into any "military or naval service. Why are Catholics excluded from the law? Do "not they expend money in their suits? Why may not they indemnify them"selves by profiting in the persons of some for the losses incurred by others? "Why may they not have persons of confidence, whom they may if they please, "employ in the agency of their affairs? The exclusion from the law, from "grand juries, from sheriffships, under-sheriffships, as well as from freedom in "any corporation, may subject them to dreadful hardships, as it may exclude "them wholly from all that is beneficial, and expose them to all that is mis"chievous in a trial by jury. This was manifestly within my own observation, "for I was three times in Ireland since the year 1760 to the year 1767, where I "had sufficient means of information, concerning the inhuman proceedings, "among which were many cruel murders, besides an infinity of outrages and

Many cried loudly against persecution, who still voted for the disabilities, pains, penalties, and forfeitures of their fellow subjects. The rejection of the *intermarriage bill, by the commons of that day, evidently demonstrates the wishes and determination of the majority of their house' to keep Ireland a divided people, in order to support the oligarchy of a privileged order over the rest of the community, as a vilified and degraded cast.

Although these, and some other bills did not receive the royal assent during the vice-royalty of Lord Carlisle, yet having been brought forward under him, they may be considered as acts of his administration. Such also was the bill for establishing a “oppressions unknown before in a civilized age, which prevailed during that "period in consequence of a pretended conspiracy among the Roman Catholics "against the king's government. I could dilate upon the mischiefs that may "happen, from those which have happened upon this head of disqualification, if "it were at all necessary.

"The head of exclusion from votes for members of parliament is closely "connected with the former. When you cast your eye on the Statute Book, you will see, that no Catholic, even in the ferocious act of Queen Anne, was "disabled from voting on account of his religion; the only conditions required "for that privilege were the oaths of allegiance and abjuration, both relative "to a civil concern. Parliament has since added another oath of the same "kind; and yet an House of Commons adding to the securities of government "in proportion as its danger is confessedly lessened, and professing both con"fidence and indulgence, takes away, in effect, the privilege left by an act full "of jealousy, and professing persecution.

"The taking away of a vote is the taking away the shield which the sub'ject has, not only against the oppression of power, but that worst of all op"pressions, the persecution of private society and private manners. No can"didate for parliamentary influence is obliged to the least attention towards "them, either in cities or counties. On the contrary, if they should become "obnoxious to any bigotted or malignant people, amongst whom they live, it "will become the interest of those who court popular favour, to use the num "berless means which always reside in magistracy and influence, to oppress "them. The proceedings in a certain county in Munster during the unfortu "nate period I have mentioned, read a strong lecture on the cruelty of depriv "ing men of that shield, on account of their speculative opinions.”

* Mr. Burke has also spoken strongly of the act prohibiting the intermarriage of Protestants and Catholics, which was passed in the short administration of Lord Chesterfield "Mr. Gardiner's humanity (says he, p 25) was " shocked at it, as one of the worst parts of that truly barbarous system, if "one could well settle the preference, where almost all the parts were out"rageous on the laws of humanity, and the law of nature. This man, (Lord "Chesterfield) while he was duping the credulity of Papists with fine words "in private, and commending their good behaviour during a rebellion in Great "Britain, as it well deserved to be commended and rewarded, was capable of "urging penal laws against them in a speech from the throne, and stimulating "with provocatives the wearied and half exhausted bigotry of the then parlia "ment of Ireland. They sat to work, but were at a loss what to do; for they "had already almost gone through every contrivance, which could waste the "vigour of their country: but, after much struggle, they produced a child of "their old age, the shocking and unnatural act about marriages, which tended "to finish the scheme for making the people not only two distinct parties for "ever, but keeping them as two distinct species in the same land.”

+ 21 & 22 Geo. III. c. xvi.

national bank of Ireland, with some other beneficial bills of regulation. As the Irish administration was but a subordinate part of that of Great Britain, it was natural, that the lord lieutenant and his secretary should carry on matters with a less high hand, when once they perceived the opposition in Great Britain daily gaining ground, and hastening the downfal of that ill-fated* ministry, which had weakened the British empire by the loss of her American colonies, the useless sacrifice of one hundred thousand lives, and the accumulation of above a hundred millions of national debt.

The first unequivocal symptom of the downfal of Lord North's administration, was the resignation of Lord George Germaine (3 Bels. Mem. Geo. III. p. 244). The unpopularity of the American secretary was so great and manifest, that he now thought it expedient, seeing parliamentary censures likely to become again in fashion, to resign the seals of that department, and for his eminent services, he was, by his majesty, raised to the dignity of the peerage. But before the great seal was affixed to the patent, the Marquis of Carmarthen moved in the house of peers, "That it was highly derogatory to "the honour of that house, that any person labouring under the sentence of a "court-martial, styled in the public orders issued by his late majesty, a cen"sure much worse than death, and adjudged unfit to serve his majesty in any "military capacity, should be recommended to the crown as a proper person "to sit in that house."

The motion was evaded by the question of adjournment; but Lord George Germaine having actually taken his seat in the house under the title of Lord Viscount Sackville, the Marquis of Carmarthen renewed his attack, and urged, "That the house of peers being a court of honour, it behoved them to preserve "that honour uncontaminated, and to mark in the most forcible manner their "disapprobation of the introduction of a person into that assembly who was "stigmatized in the orderly books of every regiment in the service."

Lord Abingdon, who seconded the motion, styled the admission of Lord George Germaine to a peerage, “An insufferable indignity to that house, and "an outrageous insult to the public."

The motion was powerfully supported by the Duke of Richmond, Lord Southampton, the Earl of Shelburne, the Marquis of Rockingham, and other distinguished peers. On the division, nevertheless, it was rejected by a majority of 93 to 28 voices: a protest, however, was entered on the journals of the house, declaring the promotion of his lordship to be "A measure fatal to the interests “of the crown, insulting to the memory of the late sovereign, and highly de"rogatory to the dignity of the house."

Mr. Fox, on the 20th of February, 1782, again brought forward his motion of censure, somewhat varied, on Lord Sandwich, which was negatived by a majority of 19 voices only, in a house consisting of 453 members; but to the astonishment of the nation, the noble lord still daringly kept possession of his office, although 217 members of the House of Commons had pronounced him "Guilty of a shameful mismanagement of the naval affairs of Great Britain." And on the 22d of February, General Conway moved "For an address to the "king earnestly imploring his majesty that he would be graciously pleased to "listen to the humble prayer and advice of his faithful Commons, that the war "on the continent of North America might no longer be pursued, for the im"practicable purpose of reducing that country to obedience by force." This was opposed in a long speech by Mr. Welbore Ellis, (now Lord Mendip) the rew secretary for the American department; and on the division, the minister had the fearful majority of one voice only. On Mr. W. Ellis Mr. Burke was pow. erfully severe in his answer. "This war," said he, " had been amazingly

One of the last acts of Mr. Eden's, in the commons, was the communication of his majesty's gracious answer to their address relative to the affairs of Portugal, on the 5th of March, 1782. Lord Carlisle now foreseeing in the change of ministry a total change of principles and measures with reference to Ireland, and

"fertile in the growth of new statesmen; the right honourable gentleman was "indeed an old member, but a young secretary. Having, however, studied at "the feet of Gamaliel, he had entered into full possession of all the parliamen "tary qualifications, by which his predecessor had been so conspicuously dis"tinguished; the same attachments, the same antipathies, the same extravagant delusion, the same wild phantoms of the brain, marked the right hon"ourable gentleman as the true ministerial heir and residuary legatee of the "noble viscount: and notwithstanding the metamorphosis he had recently "undergone, he was so truly the same thing in the same place, that justly alter et idem nascitur,' being of the catterpillar "might it be said of him, "species, he had remained the destined time within the soft and silken folds "of a lucrative employment, till having burst his ligaments, he fluttered forth, "the butterfly minister of the day,"

On the 15th of March, 1782, a resolution was made by Sir John (now Lord) Rous, a man once zealously attached to Lord North's administration, that the house, taking into consideration the debt incurred, and the losses sustained in the present war, could place no further confidence in the ministers, who had the direction of public affairs. A violent debate ensued; on the division, the And on the 19th, the numbers were, 227 for, and 236 against the motion. Earl of Surrey (now Duke of Norfolk) had proposed to move a similar resolution; but when his lordship was about to rise, Lord North addressed him. self to the speaker, and said, "That as he understood the object of the noble "lord's motion to be the removal of ministers, he wished to prevent the necessity of giving the house further trouble, by an explicit declaration, that his "majesty had come to a determination, to make an entire change of adminis "tration; and he and his colleagues, only retained their official situation till "other ministers were appointed to occupy their places."

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." His majesty has received the • The answer was to the following effect :. "address of the House of Commons with that affectionate satisfaction which "their professions of duty, loyalty, and zealous attachment to his person and "royal family, never fail to excite in his majesty's breast; and his majesty "does not admit a doubt, that those principles will continue to constitute, as "they have hitherto invariably done, a most distinguished part of the charac"ter of his people of Ireland.

"His majesty gives his faithful commons the strongest assurances, that the "confidence they so dutifully repose in his paternal protection, which has been "constantly exerted during the course of his reign, in promoting and estab "lishing the prosperity of his kingdom of Ireland, is most justly founded, as "no purpose is nearer his majesty's heart than to afford them every solid proof "of that protection.

"His majesty is not surprised, that his faithful commons, always attentive "to the true interest of this country, should have observed with alarm and "concern, the obstruction given in the ports of Portugal to the importation of "Irish woollen and printed linen manufactures into that kingdom; and the full "satisfaction, which the House of Commons express in his majesty's solicitude "upon this important subject, and in his unremmitted endeavours to open the 66 eyes of Portugal, not only to the true sense of the treaties between the two "crowns, but to a just understanding of her own real interests, is graciously "accepted by his majesty.

"His majesty applauds the temper and moderation of his commons upon "this occasion; such a conduct is always becoming of their prudence and wis

having received no fresh instructions or support from the British cabinet, wished only to carry some of the then pending bills up to the lords, on the 14th of March, 1782, adjourned the parliament to the 16th of April. By that time a general change having taken place in the British ministry, Mr. Eden went to London with Lord Carlisle's resignation of the lieutenancy of that kingdom, desiring only time to make some necessary arrangements, and to close the session of parliament. On the 14th of April, his Grace the Duke of Portland arrived in Dublin, and immediately took upon him the chief government of Ireland. Mr. Eden, very speedily after his arrival in England, laid before the British parliament,* a view of the political history of Ireland during the two last years; acquainted the house with the measures which (he said) were then forming for rendering it totally independent of the British legislature; and concluded with moving for leave to bring in a bill to repeal so much of the act of the 6th of George I. as asserted a right in the king and parliament of Great Britain to make laws to bind that kingdom. The precipitation, with which a business of such magnitude and importance was thus attempted to be forced on the house, without previous communication from any of his majesty's ministers, or knowledge of their intentions, was severely censured, and the more especially as it appeared, that the right honourable gentleman had refused to give any official information to government relative to the state of the country he had just left. Mr. Eden, though loudly called on to withdraw his motion, persisted in urging its necessity; and in vindication of his own conduct, stated, that the reason of his refusing to have any communication with his majesty's present servants, was the great want of attention to the Earl of Carlisle, which they had shewn in the mode of appointing his successor, and in his removal from the lord lieutenancy of the East Riding of Yorkshire. This apology served rather to increase the displeasure of the house; a motion of censure on his conduct was threatened; and it was with great difficulty he was at last brought to comply with the general wish of

"dom, but particularly so in the present instance, as it affords time for fur"ther exertions towards bringing this business to a happy conclusion; and the "House of Commons may rest assured, that his majesty will persevere in every possible effort for the attainment of that desirable end."

* The debate on the situation of Ireland on the 8th of April, 1782, in the British House of Commons, is so illustrative of the ancient system of governing Ireland; so explanatory of the views and motives of the different measures imposed upon that kingdom by the British cabinet; so demonstrative of principles opposite to those of the Union and mutual prosperity of both kingdoms, that the reader will be happy to learn from the mouths of the actors themselves a complete narrative of this great revolution in the kingdom of Ireland: for which, vide Appendix, No. LXVIII. where the whole debate is given.