The short administration of the Earl of Chesterfield furnishes reflections highly important to the welfare of the Irish nation. It was a practical demonstration of the utility of a system of lenity and liberality, not only to Ireland, but to the whole British empire. It was a conclusive evidence, that Great Britain well knew how at any time to ensure the happiness of her sister kingdom, though unwilling at most times to promote it. The danger of Great Britain drove her to do justice to Ireland for the few months during which that danger lasted; and her security brought with it repentance, at the momentary, though necessary interruption of the ancient system. It is lamentably remarkable how thriftily Great Britain dealt out this transient justice to Ireland, as if she counted reluctantly the hours of its enjoyment. On the 19th, of August, 1745, the standard of rebellion was formally erected in the Highlands of Scotland: a courier was dispatched to hasten the return of the king, who was then in Hanover: he arrived in London before the end of August: and on the 31st day of August, the Earl of Chesterfield was appointed lord lieutenant and chief governor of the kingdom of Ireland. On the 16th of April, 1746, the defeat of the Pretender at Culloden by the Duke of Cumberland put an end to the rebellion; and on the ninth day after that event, Ireland was deprived of her favourite viceroy; for on the 25th of April, 1746, Primate Hoadley, Lord Chancellor Newport, and Mr. Boyle, the speaker of the House of Commons, were appointed lords justices, and vainly did Ireland sigh for the return of her short-lived felicity: Great Britain was out of danger and Ireland could securely be put again under its former regime.* In "lieutenant's vigilance and resolution that the French and Spaniards did not "attempt to land any troops in Ireland during the time of the rebellion, it was “likewise an effect of his prudence and moderation, that the horrors of a civil war did not reach that country. Distinctions of parties seemed to be "abolished, and animosities to be forgotton as well as prejudices and suspi"cions. Religion became what it ought to be, a boud of union instead of an "instrument of discord; superstition was enlightened, and fanaticks disarm"ed. Hence a phenomenon took place, not often beheld in times of tran"quillity. Protestants and Roman Catholics, natives and strangers, well"wishers and enemies to the Pretender, all alike influenced by the example "of their benevolent governor, indulged, respected, and would have loved "one another, if he had continued a longer time among them. "It is the province of history to perpetuate the transactions of an admini"stration, which it will ever be the interest of future lord lieutenants to study "and to imitate." *It appears to have been a fatality peculiar to Ireland, that her greatest civil blessings have been unexceptionably obtained under circumstances, that to say the least of them, deprived Great Britain of the merit of voluntary, cordial and gracious accession. Thus shall we have to note in proper time and order, the situation of Great Britain, when the independence of Ireland was recognised in 1782, which Mr. Burke observed, was the true revolution to the Irish, and when she became united with Great Britain. For the honour of the people of Great Britain, it were to be wished, that necessity had not forced, but reason and liberality had proffered the boon: yet that very necessity proves its excellency; and its excellency will ensure its continuance and success. order effectually to cut off all hopes of the return of Lord Chesterfield to Ireland, on the 13th of September the Earl of Harrington was appointed the new lord lieutenant. We are now arrived at that period of the Irish history at which Mr. Burke observed,* the English in Ireland began to be domiciliated, and to recollect that they had a country. English interest at first by faint and almost insensible degrees, but at length openly and avowedly, became an independent Irish interest, full as independent as it could ever have been, if it had continued in the persons of the native Irish. The new lord lieutenant, when he met the parliament in October, 1747, particularly complimented them on his majesty's continuance of his paternal regard and affection to a dutiful and loyal people: and recommended a continuance of the same good conduct and vigilance, which, under God, had prevented the communication of so dangerous an infection (i. e. the Scotch Rebellion) to that kingdom. A political question was about this time started in Ireland, and carried on with extraordinary virulence by the contending parties. Mr. Lucas, a medical gentleman from Cork, upon a vacancy having happened in the representation of the city of Dublin by the death of Sir James Sommerville, attracted the notice and secured the warmest support of the patriots of that day, by publicly attacking the abuses, that had lately prevailed in the elections of members for the city of Dublin, by which the commons were deprived of the power of chusing the city magistrates, and that power was placed in the Board of Aldermen, subject to the approbation of the lord lieutenant. The press teemed with letters, answers, replies, addresses, appeals, counter-appeals, and every engine, that could be employed to add rancour, sting, and fuel to the heats of the contending parties. It was no longer an electioneering squabble between two rival candidates it became a trial of strength upon popular principles of civil liberty between the patriots and government. It kept the Protestants† of Ireland in a flame of civil discord for * Letter to Lang. p. 45. It was natural, that the Irish Catholics, who were formally excluded from any active or passive representation in parliament, should be indifferent to those contests for civil rights, which could not end in admitting them to the enjoyment. The first periodical publication of Mr. Lucas was the Censor, against which Sir Richard Cox (under the title of Anthony Litten) wrote his appeal to the public, abusing Lucas (he was a Presbyterian) as an incendiary and a Papist; and treating the Catholic body of the Irish nation with the most contemptuous and rancorous hostility. Against this appeal of Sir Richard Cox, M. O'Connor wrote his CounterAppeal, to shew, that so far from being addicted to slavish opinions, the Irish nation had, on the contrary, laboured long under a complication of evils resulting from licentiousness, and that it was their greatest political misfortune and the source of all their calamities, that the excess of liberty, which prevailed several years. Mr. James Digges La Touche, who had formerly been an intimate friend of Mr. Lucas, and strongly united with him in political principles, on this occasion abandoned his former principles, and proposed himself as a candidate for the city of Dublin, in direct and violent opposition to Mr. Lucas, then the popular idol of such of the nation, as took the liveliest concern in the politics of that day. Mr. Charles Lucas had some years before attracted the notice of his fellow citizens by the strong powers of his mind, and the independent firmness of his public spirit: he had been some time before admitted to the public council. Here he resolved to exert himself in behalf of their privileges. The new rules framed in the reign of Charles the Second, by authority from a clause in the act of explanation, had, as in other corpoamong them was not tempered by Aristocracy in such a manner as to afford a solid support to monarchy on the one side, and freedom on the other. This pamphlet was dated from the town of Londonderry, September 30th, 1749. It was written in a hasty manner, merely for the contest and passion of the day, and Mr. O'Connor never would acknowledge it to be his, until his co res pondence with Reily, the editor, obliged him to acknowledge it. "Your inflammatory counter- appeal (says Reily) has "been roared about the streets here all this day, and so inflaming it is, that "Walter Harris, the historian, told the printer (Kelburne) he would be sum"moned to the Bar of the House, and sent to Newgate; for that it is of a more "dangerous tendency, than all Lucas's papers together. The best of it is, "that Kelburne himself cannot guess at the author: some say it is Brooke, "others Lucas himself; but let them guess on while you are safe. You must guard against all Sir Richard's friends, he is not only warm, but malicious against Lucas. Dublin, October 10th, 1749. "Yours, &c. &c. MR. O'CONNOR TO CIVICUS. "Your hints are friendly, and demand my thanks, but "I am by no means interested, nor is any of our unfortunate people in this "affair of Lucas, into which we are dragged by violent and wanton malevo"lence; I have even some disgust to Lucas, on account of his Barber's let"ters; a true patriot would not have betrayed such malice to such unfortunate "slaves as we. But those boasters, the Whigs, are in search of liberty, 'just as Herod was of Christ, to crush it in its infancy, and have to all them"selves. ་་ October 28th, 1749. Yours, &c. &c. "C. O'CONNOR. It is observable, notwithstanding Harris's menaces, that the most objec tionable passage in the counter-appeal is this: " Can it at this time of day be "a matter of doubt whether we Irish have a right to the laws and constitution "of our fathers, or are we to live subject to the dictates of an incompatible "legislation?" The bugbear of Jacobitism, which was so successfully played in these bigoted times, rendered all publications favourable to Roman Catholics very dangerous to their authors; any thing that could tend to soften the rigour of the penal code was highly alarming, and every possible step was taken to prevent the governing party's granting the smallest degree of toleration to their Catholic countrymen. rate towns, changed the powers of the city corporation. To encrease the influence of the crown, among other innovations, they deprived the commons of the power of choosing the city magistrates, and placed it in the Board of Aldermen, subject in its exercise on each election to the approbation of the chief governor, and privy council. Of this injury Lucas loudly complained: but the law being absolute, could not be combated. Suspecting, however, that in other respects encroachments had been made on the rights of the citizens not justified by law, he examined the city charters, and searched diligently into the ancient records, by which he became convinced that his apprehensions were well founded. He published his discoveries, explained the evidence resulting from them, and encouraged the people to take the proper steps for obtaining redress. In consequence, a warm contest commenced betwixt the commons and aldermen in 1741, which continued the two succeeding years. Though the former struggled in vain to recover their lost privileges, the exertions of Lucas in every stage of the dispute, were strenuous and persevering. These services raised him so high in the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens, that on the death of Sir James Sommerville, they encouraged him to declare himself a candiate to represent them in parliament. Ambitious of an office so flattering, which would give him an opportunity of exerting his abilities to the greatest advantage in the service not only of the city of Dublin, but of his country, he complied with their desire. His speeches to the several corpora tions on this occasion, which were bold, nervous, and animated, in favour of liberty, encreased their attachment to him. But a number of addresses to his fellow citizens, which he wrote and published, tended more effectually to encrease his popularity. In these, among other subjects, he considered distinctly the several branches of the constitution; pointed out to the electors of Dublin, and to the nation the privileges of Irishmen, and the various injuries they had sustained by the interference of the British legislature. The firmness and perspicuity of his manner, the popularity of his subject, and (perhaps) the justice of his arguments, alarmed the Irish government, which had been little used to such opposition. They determined to crush him by the hand of power.* For this purpose, certain passages the most obnoxious to the state, were collected from his publications, and made the foundation of a charge which was brought against him before parliament. The rights of the commons, * Without troubling the reader with any of Mr. Lucas's writings or argu ments, it may not be unfair to refer him to his general profession of political faith, by which he committed himself in his Address to the Earl of Har rington, on the 3d of October, 1749, which is to be seen in the Appendix, No. LVII. which with particular attention he had laboured to vindicate and ascertain, had been one of the subjects of his free discussion. Instead of protecting him in reward of this service, and of his exertions in behalf of Ireland, the majority of that house listened to the charge, voted him an enemy to his country, and addressed the lord lieutenant to order him to be prosecuted by his majes ty's attorney general. The hand of power was too prevailing: the favour of the public was not sufficient to defend him from the danger, by which he was threatened; therefore to avoid the impending storm, Mr. Lucas fled from, Ireland. After he had spent some time in banishment, the turn of fortune placed him once more in an honourable situation. The exertions of his friends rose superior to the influence, by which he had been oppressed. Upon a new vacancy, he returned to Dublin, and was elected one of the representatives of that city in parliament. The same patriotic principles, and the same exertions in behalf of the constitution, for which he had been hitherto so remarkable, invariably distinguished his conduct in and out of parliament to the day of his death. The spirit of civil freedom and constitutional independence had now become so prevalent in Ireland, that the English interest could no longer be kept up and carried on with that systematic and uncontrolled ease, with which it had been managed. by Primate Boulter. Upon the death of Primate Hoadley who had succeeded Boulter in 1747, the person to whom this interest was committed was George Stone, then bishop of Derry, who on several occasions had signalized himself by a most determined opposition to the Irish interest: immediately upon his translation to the See of Armagh, he was put at the head of the commission, with the chancellor and speaker, as lords justices. This prelate was a man of talent, of a lofty and, arrogant disposition; resolute and determined; and a thorough-paced courtier: he was wholly devoted to politics; and little attentive to his pastoral duties.* At the head of those, who opposed him, was * The confusion of the spiritual and temporal powers must ever be attended with disadvantages to both. The prelate when in the cabinet, is as much out of his element, as the statesman in the pulpit. Primate Stone was lavish of favours to his creatures, and had therefore many supporters: but he was too haughty and dictatorial not to have many enemies. He was a man rather of mean birth: his grandfather had been gaoler at Winchester; and his perquisites in that situation had enabled his son, the primate's father, to become a banker: "he was a non-juror, and his chief customers were the Jacobites. He was in the flower of youth when promoted to the primacy; a station to which none before him had been raised till in the decline of life. His person was uncommonly handsome; which procured him the appellation of the beauty of Holiness. It is not to be wondered at, that the rapid progress of this young ecclesiastic, through the dignities of his order, and who was now at the head of the church as well as of the state, should raise hatred and favour to an extraordinary degree. He was inordinate in his ambition, intemperate in his passions, and |