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by force, the nations of Africa, of the means of labouring for their own advantage, and compelling them to labour for ours? Was it to be endured, that the profits obtained by rapine and outrage were to be urged as an argument for the continuance of rapine and outrage?-Greater indignation, if possible, still, was excited by the cold calculations of those who affected to defend the slave-trade, even on the ground of humanity, and to maintain that greater evils would be created to the Africans, by an abolition of the slave-trade, than any which it was proposed to remedy. War among the numerous and almost innumer. able chiefs of Africa, it was said, would exist if there were not any trade in slaves, and but for the slave-trade, prisoners taken in war would be put to death. It was not supposed that slavery was the only cause of war among the savage tribes of Africa: but it was one cause, and on the sea-coasts the chief. Because wars spring out of ambition, hatred, revenge, and other evil passions; was it nothing to add another motive to war, and that, one more constant and permanent in its operation, namely, avarice? In the interior of Africa, population and civilization increased, and on the coast barbarity reigned with undiminished sway; a contrast to be accounted for only by the slave-trade. As to the alledged murder of prisoners of war, though human sacrifices had sometimes been made, it was known that the common fate of prisoners of war, as among all barbarous nations, was, to become domestic slaves to the captors. It had been objected, that "if we abandoned the slave trade, other nations would take it up."They might say the same thing of

3

us; and the argument would go round in a circle, without ever leading to a satisfactory conclusion.

As to the argument that slavery had always been one of the states of existence in which man had been placed by Providence, it would be more correct to say that man had been placed in that state by the ty

any of man. If, however, through the abuse of reason and free-will, moral good was blended with evil, there was a principle of progressive civilization and humanity implanted in human nature by its gracious Author; and, if many things were tolerated, as arbitrary divorcement among the Jews for a time, on account, as it is said in the scripture of "the hardness of men's hearts;" the great, allcomprehending, and paramount law of the Gospel, was charity:--"Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even the same unto them, for this is the law and the prophets." By the progress of civilization and of the influence of religion, slavery was gradually miti gated in the Roman empire, and finally abolished in almost the whole of Modern Europe. This was the course of Providence: this was the progression of grace and good-will towards men. And it became men and Christians, to co-operate with this benevolent plan, not to counteract it.

Time has not yet proved or disapproved the solidity of the arguments and predictions on either side of this important question, except in one ca pital instance. The negroes on our islands have not been incited by the abolition of the slave-trade to ise against their masters. All changes are in some degree hazardous. The remote consequences of new measures are often of greater magnitude

magnitude than the immediate effect of the abolition, declared that they But without innovation there can were also the sentiments of their be no remedy against existing evils constituents, whose earnest instruc. and abuses. And whatever might tions they had received on the sub. be the consequences of the abolition ject. The genius of human nature of the slave-trade in respect of appeared as both a judge and advo. commerce and political power, the cate for the poor Africans. It natural claims of man from man seemed as if the Sire, the common were not to be weighed in the parent of mankind, wrung with balance with any commercial or grief and anguish at the unequal political advantages whatever. These lot, and the evils inflicted on one were not considered by the British another by his offspring, had called legislature and nation as

with efficacy to their recollection, surate objects. The common feels and touched their hearts with a ings of humanity roused, and di. sense, that they were all brethren. rected into one channel hy a "la. The emotions of the liberal and bour of love” on the part of one humane appeared to be perfectly in man, with patience, perseverance, unison with those of Adam, as de. and ability, for the space of twenty scribed by Milton in Paradise Lost, years, formed a generous torrent on the revelation made to him by that bore down all opposition. the angel Michael, of the effects Many of the members of the house that were to flow from his original of commons, while they declared crime :their own sentiments to be in favour

commen

“ Dire was the tossing! deep the groans ! Despair
Tended the sick, busiest from couch to couch :
And over them triumphant DEATH his dart,
Shook; but delay'd to strike, though oft invok'd
With rows, as their chief good, and final hope.
Sight to deform what heart of rock could long
Dry-eyed behold ? Adam could not, but wept,
Though not of woman born. Compassion quell'd
His best of man and gave him up to tears." *

* Paradise Lost, book xi. line 490—7. The abolition of the slave-trade gave birth, as was to be expected, to the finest strains of eloquence, in both houses of parliament. But the most impressive eloquence we ever witnessed on this subject was not that of a man, but of an inferior animal. Mr. I---W, Kensington, known for his taste, and admirable collection of antiquities and natural history, had a parrot that was newly brought home from the West Indies, by the lady of a planter, accompanied by a female slave. The animal would now and then make a boise which was an exact imitation of weeping and lamentation.--Immediately on the back of this, it would set up another kind of noise which was as exact an imitation of loud laughter. What is the meaning of this?--It is a female slave smarting under punishment; and ber mistress laughing at her crying.

CHAP. VIII.

Motion by Mr. Whitbread for Leave to bring in a Bill for encouraging Industry and the Relief of the Poor.-Description of the Numbers and actual Condition of the Necessitous Poor in England.-Observations on the New Systems of Poor's Laws proposed by Mr. Malthus, and Mr. Arthur Young.-Principles on which Mr. Whitbread founded his Bill.-The particular Measures proposed to be adopted.-Prophetic Vision of the happy Effects that might be expected to result from their Adoption.-Compliments paid to Mr. Whitbread.-His Bill read a second time, and printed.-Sundry Observations on the Bill.-Fate of the Bill.-Motion by Lord Howick for Leave to bring in a Bill for securing to all His Majesty's Subjects the Privilege of Serving in the Army and Navy-objected to by Mr. Perceval.-The Motion agreed to, and the Bill read a first time, and ordered to be printed.-Reasons for postponing from time to time the Second Reading of the Bill.-Resolution, maved by Mr. Bankes against Granting Places or Offices in Reversion; and carried.—Motion by Mr. Martin for an Address to His Majesty, against Granting for Life any Office that had been hitherto held during His Majesty's pleasure.-A long Debate. - The Motion carried.-Circumstances that led to a Change of Ministry, detailed by Lord Grenville in the House of Lords, and Lord Howick in that of the Commons.-Committee of Inquiry into the Propriety of permitting Sugar and Molasses to be used in Distilleries and Breweries.-Conduct of the Marquis of Wellesley.-Freehold Estates. -Assets for Simple Contract Debts.-Administration of Justice in Scotland.-Adjournment of Parliament.

THOUGH there were not any

other bills of public and great importance that passed in what remained of this session, into laws; yet not a few of this character were brought into discussion, which it would be improper to pass over unnoticed, as the progress of publie opinion leads sooner or later to practical consequences.

Mr. Whitbread, in the house of commons, February 19th, moved for leave to bring in a bill "for promoting and encouraging industry amongst the labouring classes of the

community, and the relief and re

gulation of the necessitous poor." It
was an assertion, he observed, now
pretty generally made, that the sys-
tem of our poor's laws had served to
degrade those whom it was intended
to exalt; to destroy the spirit of
independence throughout the land;
to hold up hopes which could not be
realized; to encourage idleness and
vice; and to produce a superfluous
population, the offspring of impro
vidence, and the early victims of
misery and want.
misery and want. By the accurate
returns, which had of late years

been

at

been laid before parliament, which ness than would have existed withwere made

up in 1803, it appeared out them. But in many of the con. that upon a population in England clusions to which Mr. M. had and Wales (exclusive of the army pushed his doctrines, Mr. W. maand navy) of 8.870 000 souls, not terially differed from him. Any less than 1,234,000 were partakers man who read his writings, ought to of parochial relief. That is, that place a guard over his heart, lest it nearly one-seventh part of the people should become hardened against the of England was indebted to the distresses of his fellow-creatures : other six, wholly or in part, for lest, in learning that misery and vice their support; but by far the larger must of necessity maintain a footing part of that number wholly. It was in the world, he should give up all also proved, that exclusively of all attempts their subjugation. · collateral expence, such as army, Many persons agreeing in Mr. Mal. militia, and so on, which was raised thus's position, had wished that at the same time with the rate for the whole system of the poor's-laws the relief of the poor, and paid, out were expunged from our statute of it, there had been raised, in the book. But, Mr. W. thought that year ending at Easter 1803, for the no one had been hold enough to maintenance and relief of the poor,

propose a total and immediate abro. £.4,267,000, being almost double gation of the poor's-laws. Supposing the sum raised for the same purpose, the ultimate good to be certain ; on the average of the years 1783,

could the house of commons, in 1784, 1785, and nearly double the order to obtain it, give their consent sum raised in 1776. All would to a measure which, in its dreadful agree that a remedy was imme, execution, would be more widely diately to be sought for an evil so fatal than any edict, that ever progreat and so rapidly increasing.--- ceeded from any tyrant conqueror Mr. W. believed man to be born to upon earth? which would spread labour, as the sparks fly upwards; famine, desolation, and death that a certain portion of misery was throughout the land, and consign to inseparable from mortality ; and a premature grave infirmity, age, in.

a that all plans for the lodging, cloth. fancy, and innocence? The imme. ing and feeding of all mankind, with diate abrogation of these laws was ab. what might be called comfort, were solutely out of the question. But their quite impossible in practice.--He gradual abolition had been suggested believed that the work of Mr. Mal. to be practicable. And he recollected thus on Population had been very two plans which had been laid before generally read, and that it had com- the public for that purpose. The one pleted that change of opinion with bore the name of Mr. Arthur Young. regard to the poor’s-laws which had The other was suggested by Mr. in some measure begun. He be- Malthus himself. Mr. Young's plan, lieved his principles to be incontro. was, to take the amout of the rate vertible. This philosopher had de- raised for the relief of the poor livered it as his opinion, that the at a given time, and to enact that poor’s-laws had not only failed in it should not, on any account, be intheir object, but that they hau been creased. But Mr. Young, as Mr. productive of much more wretched. Malthus had shewn, beyond a doubt, Vos. XLIX.

K

had

a

66 that a

had completely refuted himself, by ground occupied by another, or to an extract from his Travels in France.

any part of the fruit of his labours. “The national assembly of France," But if all the land were occupied,

, says Mr. Young, “ though they dis- and the poor were denied any right approved of the English poor-laws, to assistance, might they not become still'adopted their principle, and de- a most formidable body ? and what clared that the poor had a right to pe- step could be taken to cure or cor. cuniary assistance; that the assembly rect an evil thus improvidently ought to consider such a provision as created ? Mr. W. could not look one of its first and most sacred duties; forward to such a situation without and that with this view an expence great apprehension and dread, nor ought to be incurred of 50 millions a consent to break that chain, which, year. But Mr. Young does not com. with all its imperfections and disprehend how it is possible to regard advantages, bound the different the expenditure of 50 millions a classes of society indissolubly to. year as a sacred duty, and not to gether. If then a total and imme. extend that 50 to 100, if necessity diate abrogation of the poor-laws should demand it; the 100 to 200; were out of the question, and no the 200 to 300, and so on in the

practicable plan presented itself for same miserable progression that had their gradual abolition, what re- . taken place in England.”- - Mr. mained to be done ?-It was not Malthus's own plan was,

Mr. W.'s wish to get rid of the regulation should be made, decla- poor-laws, but he thought that by ring that no child born from any taking proper steps, they might be. marriage taking place after the ex- come obsolete in the lapse of half a piration of the law; and that no century: though he would have such illegitimate child born two years à code always to remain on the from the same date, should ever be statute book, that there might be a entitled to parish assistance." By sure and legal refuge, under any this measure Mr. W. observed, the change of circumstances or society poor-laws would absolutely cease' for indigence and distress. after a very short period, as to the The principles on which he would rising generation. But to what a proceed to effect this most desirable scene of confusion, jarring, con. object were these. To exalt the tention, and suffering, would it not character of the labouring classes of give birth?

He was perfectly cer. the community. To give the la. tain that if the legislature could be bourer consequence in his own eyes, induced to pass a law pregnant with and in those of his fellows. To maké such cruelty, within two years him a fit companion for himself, and after the commencement of its ope- fit to associate with civilized men. ration it must be repealed.--The To excite him to acquire property poor, denied their right to support, by a prospect of tasting its sweets, by those who possessed property, and to give him inviolable security might have recourse to the original for that property when acquired. right of occupaney. For each man To mitigate those restraints which born had surely a right to occupy a confined his sphere of action. To

a spot of ground unoccupied, though hold out a hope of reward to patient

a he might not possess any right to the exertion.

To render dependent

poverty,

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