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omit the whole of the address, and tion. They were told so after the to introduce another. It is so long battle of Austerlitz, and even before that it cannot be brought into the that of Jena. Was it possible for present narrative : but as this cu. the present ministers to remove all rious piece, a novelty we believe, the distresses that had come upon and certainly a singularity in the the country in fifteen years pregproceedings of parliament, may be nant with calamaties, during the coosidered as a kind of creed, of time of the late administration, what opposition believed, or wish, though perhaps without any blame ed to be believed by others, of both the part of administration. themselves and the present admini. All that could be done was, to offer stration, we have given it a place in the best advice and aid in their pow. another part of this volume.*

The honourable gentleman had Capning, however, apprehending spoken in glowing colours of the that the tendency of pressing his calamities of Prussia, and of the amendment would be to cause a

evils extended to the world in condivision of the votes, and being sequence of the destruction of that anxious that nothing should be oc. power.

Lord Howick had only to casioned, on his part, that might say, that no part of those misfor. have a tendency to throw a damp tunes had been caused by his maon the spirit of the country, de. jesty's present ministers. "The mis- . clared that it was not his intention fortunes of this case required more to press his amendment to a division. of those exaggerations to which, the The speaker then put the question, honourable gentleman was so prone, 6 that the words proposed to be History recorded many instances of left out stand part of this ques. armies destroyed, and en pires ruin. tion," upon which, lord Howick ed: but, the ruin of the Prussian rose. The amendment proposed empire was sudden and complete

e said, contained matters which, beyond all example. A mighty if founded in fact, ought to be re- monarch, possessing a vast army, of ferred to a committee, to ground the highest military reputation, was upon them articles of impeachment. in one day reduced to the necessity of The honourable gentleman had seeking safety in a precipitate flight, spoken much of his own candour, accompanied only by a few followand readiness to support govern- ers of his broken fortunes. ment, except only in cases wherein With regard to the honourable ani acquiescence in their mcasures gentleman's allusions to Hanover as appeared to be a dereliction of duty. the sole cause of the declaration of Hlow far the honourable gentleman's war by this country against Prussia, conduct agreed with the principles lord H. observed, that, so far from he thus professed, he left the house Hanover being the only cause, the to judge. The present ministers shutting of the rivers in the north were told they were on a bed of of Germany against our commerce roses." They were told so by a was the principal alleged ground noblc lord (Castlereagh), who yet of hostility, and upon that ground had admitted that the Continent the house voted the address to his was in a very unsatisfactory situa. majesty, which approved the course

*See Mr.Canning's a mendment in Appendix to Chronicle, as published in the Courier newspaper, 22 Dec. 1806,

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adopted by government on that had no hesitation in stating that it occasion. Even supposing that the would be highly injurious to the ports in the north of Germany were interests of England, because iocon. not closed a ainst our shipping; was sistent with its honour, to leave not the detention of Hanover by llanover to France or her allies, Prussia upon such grounds as that under such circunstances as he had power alleged, of such a nature as already described. When Hanover this government could not subscribe was taken possession of by Prussia, to ? But combining the detention it was transferred to her by France, of Hanover with the shutting up of with whom she was in the closest the ports, would the honourablegen- alliance. And when this was con. tleman, as member of a cabinet, he- nected with the original cause of the. sitate to advise his majesty to deciare invasion of that electorate, he would war against the power that should appeal to that house, and to the be guilty of such aggressions ? or world, whether it could be recop. would he advise bis majesty to con. ciled with any sentiment of magna. clude peace with a power which, nimity, honour, or justice, to allow uoder such circumstances, should its lawful sovereign to be deprived insist upon withholding Hanover ? of Hanover, in consequence of a Then he would ask the honoura. between Great Britain and ble gentleman what becomes of all the France ? empty, and tedious, and, he mast say, The honourable gentleman had actriding declanation which the house cused ministers of not sending timehad heard from him ?

ly assistance to Prussia. But how In the address which the honour. soon had they reason to suppose, able gentleman had read to the that Prussia was at all disposed to house, lord Howick perceived that enter into hostilities with France ? there were very many professions of At the time we declared war against personal attachment to our sove- her, she was in close coonection reign, and of anxious wishes for his with the French government. But, interests. Ile wished to know then notwithstanding our declaration, she from the right honourable author or had opportunity enougale of commu. advocate, of all these professions, nicating to our government any in. whether he, as a minister, would tention she entertained with regard conduct a negotiation, and conclude to France. For, although war a war which should alienate from against Prussia was declared in that sovereign an hereditary posses. A pril, baron Jacobi did not leave sion, wrested from him origioally, this country until the 15th of Au. on account merely of a war be. gust. The first circumstance that tween this country and a foreign seemed to warrant any suspicion of enemy, and in which

war that

hostility between Prussia and France hereditary possession had no con- was the recall, in the month of Sepcerns ? Of the separate interests of tember, of the Prussiad ambassador, this country and Hanover, he had at Paris, Lucchesini, in consequence heard and read much. into the of his becoming disagreeable to discussion of this question he did not Buonaparte.

But this suspicion now mean to enter. But thinking, quickly vanished: tor his succes. as he did, that honour is the most sor baron Knoblesdorff, was apvaluable possession of any state, he pointed on the express recomenda

sen.

tion of Buonaparte himself. When marched off under general Bennigthat ambassador so appointed, ar- Such was the procrastination rived at Paris, did his arrival serve of Prussia even towards a court with to betray, or did he himself intimate whom she had no differences to ad. to lord Lauderdale, who was then just, from whom she had a right to there, any change of disposition on call for immediate aid, and such was the part of Prussia towards France ? the course that rendered not only No, not in the least. In fact, the first this country, but Russia, unable to communication that ministry re- afford her any effectual assistance. ceived, as to the intentions of Prus. Mr. Canning had observed, “ That sia, was in a letter from Mr. Thornton, in the speech from the throne all noour resident at Hamburgh, inclosing tice of war seemed studiously, to a letter from baron Jacobi, expres. have been passed over, though sive of the baron's wish to come to some debts of gratitude remain. this country, in any character, ed to be paid. To the records (sous un caractére quel conque) in of parliament the historian looked order to treat with us upon the dif- for his materials. It was cruel to ferences subsisting between the two deprive the hero of the honourable courts, and upon other matters of reward of his military achievements, importance.

and it was disgraceful that governImmediate measures were taken ment should dislike to sprinkle over to facilitate the journey of baron the gloom of despondency with some Jacobi, whose proposals to this of those achievements. It was true, country, after all, turned out to be they might say that those achieve. quite unsatisfactory. Nor did he ments were not of their planning. But reach Hamburgh until the first of this was a period when party feelings October, nor arrive in London un. should not withhold a glorious incitetil the tenth, nor communicate his pro- ment to great actions,” it will be positions to his majesty's ministers seen from Mr. Canning's address,

until the 11th; and it would be re. proposed in the room of that moved Bu collected that the battle of Jena was for by Mr. Lamb, that he alluded parfought on the 14th.

Still more un. ticularly to the " Expedition un. : accountable was the course pursued der sir Home Popham and general by Prussia with regard to Russia, Beresford, against the Spanish settleher ally, who was pledged by treaty ment of Buenos Ayres,” and “to to assist her. The resolution of the the brilliant victory obtained on the court of Berlin, actually to com. plains of Maida, by his majesty's land. mence hostilities against France, forces under the gallant and able was first communicated to the Russian conduct of sir John Stuart over a government by count Kréusemark, French army, superior in numbers." who was dispatched with that intel- In answer to these remarks by ligence to St. Petersburgh, which he Mr. Canning, lord Howick said, “ It did not reach until the 30th of Sep. cannot be affirmed that we think tember. The moment the tidings lightly, or wish to speak lightly of were conveyed to the magnanimous the services performed by sir John sovereigą of Russia, orders were is. Stuart. Nobody views them in a slied to set the troops in motion, and higher light than I do, nor feels on the 5th of October an army was more proudly as an Englishman, at

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the glorious event of the battle of but there is one act of sir H. PopMaida. But, if the honourable gen.

ham's which I cannot hesitate to tleman had had but the patience to censure as particularly improper, wait for a few hours longer, he and that is, his letter to the manu. would have probably heard from my facturers *. What his motives were right honourable friend, Mr. Wind. for such conduct, I cannot say. ham, a notice of a motion for re. Perhaps he wanted to court some turning thanks to sir John Stuart, favour and protection against the and those officers who distinguished censure which he must be conscious themselves in that action. As to of deserving from government. sir 11. Popham and sir David Baird, Perhaps these letters, courting mer. ' I freely confess that I was one of cantile gratitude, while offending those who advised their recall, and against professional duty, was one this upon the ground that they did of the fatal effects to be apprewithout orders, and upon their own hended from that mischievous sys. judgment and responsibility, under. tem of rewards administered by the

, take the expedirion to South Ame- committee at Lloyd's, called the rica. In prosecution of their scheme Patriotic Fund +; a committee which they did not even leave a single ship of is held out to the navy, as giving the line to protect the Cape of Good. greater rewards and encouragement Hope. They even obliged a frigate than the government of the coun. that was sent out to India with try. If such conduct as this appears money for the payment of the to be, could not only be justified but troops there, to desert the destina. approved of, it would then follow, tion that it was intended for, and that all our military governors in go upon this South-American ex. the West Indies, in Gibraltar, and pedition. Such conduct this in every other part of the world, I consider to be highly repre. might totally disregard the instruchensible, and were it to be over. tions they should receive from go. looked, there would be an end vernment, and turn their whole forces to all discipline and subordina. wherever their private opinions, or tion. I do not wish to dwell upon the their private interests might point. misconduct of men in their absence; Lord Castlereagh complimented

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* Sir Home Popham, on the reduction of Buenos Ayres in June 1806, wrnte circuJar letters to the merchants of London, Liverpool, Bristol, Birningham, Manchester, and Glasgow, representing the most abundant market that had been opened, by the acquisition of this place, to the British commerce and manufactures; the various articles that were wanted by the countries watered by the Rio de la Plata, and others uith which these had communication; and the articles that all those countries would give in return. In short, he appeared in the character of a ministei of state at the head of the government, giving a new direction to the commerce of the country. lle was tried and reprimanded for disobedience to orders.

f It possesses the grand means of making a formidable opposition to government,money. Its funds now amount to more than a quarter of a million of money. It has, upon its pension list, great numbers of officers, soldiers, and sailors. It grants pensions superior to those coming to persons in similar cases from the crown. It has no orders to give; no duties to impose ; no obedience to exact : all which are thrown upon the government, while the confederation has nothing but the amiable office of rewarding and honouring. Cubbet t's Polit. Reg. Jan. 34, 1807.

lord

lord Powick, on the great eloquence and very considerable talents he had displayed in indication of himself and the rest of his majesty's mine ters. After agreeing with him that the proper time for considering the important question of negotiatton with France, was, when the whole of the correspondence should be laid before the house, he proceeded to make some preliminary remarks on the noble lord's reply, and comments on his right honourable friend's amendment to the address; undertaking afterwards to shew the fallacy of the noble lord's reasoning on many of the general points contained in his speech. The amendment, he said. was foun. ded on facts, not on opinions or as sertions. The noble lord had taken credit to himself and his friends, for having uniformly acted, when in opposition, from principle, and not from a spirit of teazing and harassing government unnecessarily. He could also assure the house, that both himself and those who had acted with him on the same side, when influenced by no motive in their op, position, but public principle.

With respect to the discharge of public daty, there was no comparison between the last and the present of position, who felt it to be their duty to watch and revise the acts of ministers, in order to call them to an account. Whereas, the noble lord must recollect that he and his friends had turned their backs on parliament, and neglected all pub. fic concerns in the hour of distress and peril. They had seceded and abandoned the cause of the country, and the trust reposed in them by 'their constituents.

Lord Castlereagh now proceeded

to call the attention of the house to some prominent points of the negotia. tion which was the main question. He felt much anxiety respecting many circumstances, connected with this and arising out of it. He trusted that ministers would be able, when the papers should be produced, to remove it. He was apprehensive, however, that, in their discussions in the protracted course of negotiation, ministers had deluded both themselves and Europe. It necessarily followed, that the powers of the conti nent had their attention fixed on the progress of a negotiation which lasted eight months. And what must naturally have been the result, but that their disposition to co-operate against France might have induced Rus. sia to enter into a negotiation with the French government? It might have even led Prussia to make a premature demonstration of hostility against France, in order to assure both England and Russia, that the cabinet of Berlin was determined to submit no longer to the humiliation and insults of the enemy. These circumstances, and many more, arising from a negotiation continued for eight months, rendered the production of all papers on the subject highly necessary.

From the conduct of ministers during the negotiation, it appeared as if they had considered peace as certain. If they had not supposed that they were sure of peace, was it possible that during a discussion of eight months, they should have given up all their military plans, and the whole system of internal defence and security? Upon what other ground was the General Training act in a great measure suspended? Why was the instruction for regulating the

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