The Constitutional History of England: Since the Accession of George the Third, 1760-1860 : in Two Volumes, Volum 2

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Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1863 - 640 sider

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Relief to Catholic officers in army and navy 1813 and 1817
356
The Catholic question in 1812
361
Bills for amendment of the marriage laws affecting Roman
362
The Catholic claims in 1828
370
The Catholic Relief Act 1829
376
Quakers and others admitted to the Commons on affirmation
382
Claims to be sworn
388
Register of births marriages and deaths
395
Final repeal of penalties on religious worship
402
The first Braintree case
405
Causes adverse to the clergy in presence of dissent
413
Statistics of places of worship
420
The Ecclesiastical Titles bill 1851
426
The Veto Act 1834
433
The General Assembly address the queen
439
Resistance to payment of tithes
445
Sir Robert Peels ministry overthrown on the appropriation
453
Local government the basis of constitutional freedom
460
Monopoly of electoral rights
466
Corporations in Ireland
472
Distinctive character of counties and towns
478
Commercial restrictions
484
They demand legislative independence 1780
490
Mr Pitts commercial measures 1785
496
The United Irishmen 1791
498
Result of the Union
506
Supremacy of England over the colonies
512
Mr Townshends colonial taxes 1767
519
Canada and other North American colonies
525
Contumacy of Jamaica repressed 1838
531
Military defence of the colonies
539
Mr Pitts India bill 1784
544
Defects and abuses in the law
550
Its revision
556
Establishment of police in England
562
Measures for the improvement of the working classes
568
Increase of national expenditure since 1850
574
Politics formerly a profession 93
591

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Side 83 - They parted - ne'er to meet again! But never either found another To free the hollow heart from paining They stood aloof, the scars remaining, Like cliffs, which had been rent asunder; A dreary sea now flows between; But neither heat, nor frost, nor thunder, Shall wholly do away, I ween, The marks of that which once hath been.
Side 26 - ... patriots and courtiers, king's friends and republicans; whigs and tories; treacherous friends and open enemies ; that it was indeed a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to stand on.
Side 213 - The punishing of wits enhances their authority," saith the Viscount St. Albans, "and a forbidden writing is thought to be a certain spark of truth that flies up in the faces of them who seek to tread it out.
Side 552 - But how much nobler will be the Sovereign's boast, when he shall have it to say, that he found law dear, and left it cheap ; found it a sealed book — left it a living letter ; found it the patrimony of the rich — .left it the inheritance of the poor ; found it the two-edged sword of craft and oppression — left it the staff of honesty and the shield of innocence...
Side 498 - a complete reform of the legislature, founded on the principles of civil, political, and religious liberty.
Side 76 - Bill implies merely a careful review of institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, undertaken in a friendly temper, combining, with the firm maintenance of established rights, the correction of proved abuses, and the redress of real grievances, in that case I can, for myself and colleagues, undertake to act in such a spirit, and with such intentions.
Side 168 - ... in direct opposition to the declared sense of a great majority of the nation, and they should be put in force with all their rigorous provisions, if his opinion were asked by the people as to their obedience, he should tell them, that it was no longer a question of moral obligation and duty, but of prudence.
Side 556 - The discretion of a judge is the law of tyrants : it is always unknown ; it is different in different men ; it is casual, and depends upon constitution, temper, and passion. In the best, it is oftentimes caprice ; in the worst it is every vice, folly, and passion, to which human nature is liable.'*- — Lord Camden.
Side 103 - Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all liberties.
Side 216 - If all mankind, minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind.

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