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proved his fitness by distinguished services. Lastly, he proposed to provide that all who should enter His Majesty's service should enjoy "the free and unrestrained exercise of their religion, so far as it did not interfere with their military duties." Mr. Spencer Perceval sounded the note of alarm at these proposals, which, in his opinion, involved all the principles of complete emancipation. If military equality were conceded, how could civil equality be afterwards resisted? His apprehensions were shared by some other members; but the bill was allowed to be introduced without opposition.

Withdrawal

of bill, and fall of ministers.\

Its further progress, however, was suddenly arrested by the king, who refused to admit Catholics to the staff, and to include dissenters in the provisions of the bill.2 He declared that his previous assent had been given to the simple extension of the Irish Act to Great Britain; and he would agree to nothing more. Again a ministry fell under the difficulties of the Catholic question. The embarrassments of ministers had undoubtedly been great. They had desired to maintain their own character and consistency, and to conciliate the Catholics, without shocking the well-known scruples of the king. Their scheme. was just and moderate: it was open to no rational objection; but neither in the preparation of the measure itself, nor in their communications with the king, can they be acquitted of errors which were turned against themselves and the unlucky cause they had espoused.* Again were the hopes of the Catholics wrecked, and with them the hopes of a liberal government in England. An anti-Catholic administration was formed under the Duke of Portland and Mr. Per

Anti-Catholic sentiments

of the new ministers.

1 Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., ix. 2-7.

2 Ibid., ix. 149, 173.

8 The constitutional questions involved in their removal from office have been related elsewhere; Vol. I. 93.

4 Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., ix. 231, 247, 261, 340, &c.; Lord Holland's Mem., ii. 160, et seq.; App. to vol. ii. 270; Lord Malmesbury's Corr., iv. 367, 379; Lord Sidmouth's Life, ii. 448-472.

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ceval; and cries of "No Popery," and "Church and King," were raised throughout the land.1 Mr. Perceval in his address to the electors of Northampton, on vacating his seat, took credit for "coming forward in the service of his sovereign, and endeavoring to stand by him at this important crisis, when he is making so firm and so necessary a stand for the religious establishment of the country.' The Duke of Portland wrote to the University of Oxford, of which he was Chancellor, desiring them to petition against the Catholic bill; and the Duke of Cumberland, Chancellor of the University of Dublin, sought petitions from that university. No pains were spared to arouse the fears and prejudices of Protestants. Thus Mr. Perceval averred that the measure recently withdrawn would not have "stopped short till it had brought Roman Catholic bishops to the House of Lords.”3 Such cries as these were reëchoed at the elections. An ultra-Protestant Parliament was assembled; and the Catholic cause was hopeless.*

petitions,

The Catholics of Ireland, however, did not suffer their claims to be forgotten; but by frequent petitions, Roman and the earnest support of their friends, continued Catholic to keep alive the interest of the Catholic question, 1808. in the midst of more engrossing subjects. But discussions, however able, which were unfruitful of results, can claim no more than a passing notice. Petitions were fully discussed in both Houses in 1808.5 And again, in 1810, Earl Grey

1 Mr. Henry Erskine said to the Duchess of Gordon:-"It was much to be lamented that poor Lord George did not live in these times, when he would have stood a chance of being in the cabinet, instead of being in Newgate."-Romilly's Mem., ii. 193.

2 Romilly's Mem., ii. 192.

3 Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., ix. 315.

4 Lord Malmesbury says:— "The spirit of the whole country is with the king; and the idea of the church being in danger (perhaps not quite untrue) makes Lord Grenville and the Foxites most unpopular.” — Corr., iv. 394.

5 Lords' Debates, May 27th, 1808; Commons' Debates, May 25th, 1808; Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., xi. 1, 30, 489, 549-638, 643-694; Grattan's Life, v.

Catholic

petitions

presented

1810.

presented two petitions from Roman Catholics in England, complaining that they were denied many privileges which were enjoyed by their Roman Catholic by Earl Grey, brethren in other parts of the empire. He stated Feb. 22d, that in Canada Roman Catholics were eligible to all offices, in common with their Protestant fellow-subjects. In Ireland, they were allowed to act as magistrates, to become members of lay corporations, to take degrees at Trinity College, to vote at elections, and to attain to every rank in the army except that of general of the staff. In England, they could not be included in the commission of the peace, nor become members of corporations, were debarred from taking degrees at the universities, and could not legally hold any rank in the army.1 The Roman Cathtan's motion, olics of Ireland also presented petitions to the House of Commons through Mr. Grattan, in this session. But his motion to refer them to a committee was defeated, after a debate of three nights, by a majority of one hundred and four.

Mr. Grat

May 18th,

1810.

Lord Don

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In the same session, Lord Donoughmore moved to refer several petitions from the Roman Catholics of Ireoughmore's land to a committee of the House of Lords. But motion, June 6th, 1810. as Lord Grenville had declined, with the concurrence of Lord Grey, to bring forward the Catholic claims, the question was not presented under favorable circumstances; and the motion was lost by a majority of eighty-six.* One other demonstration was made during this session in Earl Grey's support of the Catholic cause. Lord Grey, in his speech on the state of the nation, adverted to the continued postponement of concessions to the Catholics, as a source of danger and weakness to the state in the conduct of the war; and appealed to ministers to

motion on

the state of

the nation, June 13th, 1810.

1 Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., xv. 503.

2 Feb. 27th, ibid., 634.

3 Ibid., xvii. 17, 183, 235. Ayes, 109; Noes, 213. Grattan's Life, v. 410.

4 Contents, 68; Non-contents, 154. Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., xvii. 353-440.

"unite the hearts and hands of all defence of their common country."

classes of the people, in An allusion to this ques

tion was also made in the address which he proposed to the crown.1

In the autumn of this year, an event fraught with sadness to the nation once more raised the hopes of the Approach Catholics. The aged king was stricken with his of the last infirmity; and a new political era was opening, full of promise to their cause.

1 Hans. Deb., 1st Ser., xvii. 553, 577.

regency.

CHAPTER XIII.

History of Catholic Claims from the Regency:-Measures for the Relief of Dissenters: - Marriages of Catholics and Dissenters: - Repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts in 1828:- Passing of the Catholic Relief Act in 1829:- Its Results: - Quakers, Moravians, and Separatists: - Jewish Disabilities.

Hopes of

THE regency augured well for the commencement of a more liberal policy in church and state. The venerable the regency monarch, whose sceptre was now wielded by a disappointed. feebler hand, had twice trampled upon the petitions of his Catholic subjects; and, by his resolution and influence, had united against them ministers, Parliament, and people. It seemed no idle hope that Tory ministers would now be supplanted by statesmen earnest in the cause of civil and religious liberty, whose policy would no longer be thwarted by the influence of the crown. The prince himself, once zealous in the Catholic cause, had, indeed, been, for some years, inconstant, if not untrue, to it. His change of opinion, however, might be due to respect for his royal father, or the political embarrassments of the question. None could suspect him of cherishing intractable religious scruples.1 Assuredly he would not reject the liberal counsels of the ministers of his choice. But these visions were soon to collapse and vanish, like bubbles in the air; 2 and the weary struggle was continued, with scarcely a change in its prospects.

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1 Moore's Life of Sheridan, ii. 333; Lord Brougham's Statesmen, i. 186; Lord Holland's Mem., ii. 196.

2 Vol. I. 106.

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