Hva folk mener - Skriv en omtale
Vi har ikke funnet noen omtaler på noen av de vanlige stedene.
Andre utgaver - Vis alle
American Democracy From Washington to Wilson: Addresses and State Papers ...
John Huston Finley
Ingen forhåndsvisning tilgjengelig - 2017
ABRAHAM LINCOLN accept action affairs Alsace-Lorraine American Austria-Hungary authority battle believe Bunker Hill BUNKER HILL MONUMENT called cause circumstances citizens civil colonies common Congress consider Constitution counsel Declaration delivered democracy desire duty Europe existence express fact fathers who framed favor FEBRUARY 27 Federal Territories feeling fight Flag Day force foreign framed the government freedom German Empire German Government Gettysburg Address heart honor hope Horace Greeley human independence Independence Hall influence interest justice labor League of Nations liberty live Louisiana mankind matter means ment military mind nation never object occasion opinion ourselves party patriotism peace political practical present President Wilson principle purpose question regard Republicans Revolution Russia secure seek selfish Senate sentiments Serbia settlement slavery slaves speak spirit stand things thought tion United Washington Webster whole wish WOODROW WILSON wrong
Side 293 - Dear Madam : I have been shown in the files of the War Department a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our heavenly Father may...
Side 15 - OBSERVE good faith and justice towards all nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all ; religion and morality enjoin, this conduct ; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Side 82 - I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.
Side 165 - To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.
Side 17 - Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.
Side 6 - Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
Side 13 - If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time...
Side 68 - I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so.
Side 81 - seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be "the Union as it was." If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree with...