couraged with the hope that very little would be added to the public burdens. Both houses were again assured, that the war is really a just and national war, as it was purely defensive; and that nothing was wanted on the King's part but a secure and honourable peace: Providence was also again invoked to make the struggle successful and glorious to Great Britain.

The Duke of Norfolk suggested an amendment to the address, proposing that the unqualified approbation of the Copenhagen business should be omitted. In this amendment Lord Sidmouth concurred, and brought many arguments to prove that the attack on Copenhagen was unjustifiable: and he observed, that our wars from the revolution were founded upon the principles of upholding the law of nations, and this was particularly the case with the war begun in 1793. A deviation from this principle could not be admitted. He could not subscribe to that monstrous policy which induced us," because we apprehended danger from a gigantic power, to commit such an act of injustice, and follow the same course as had been pursued by that power.

Lord Aberdeen approved of the Copenhagen business, and maintained that the principles of our maritime rights must be universally asserted or not at all.

Lord Grenville could not give any approbation of the Copenhagen business till the proper documents were laid before the house on which that melancholy affair could be justified. Last of all, he adverted to Ireland, and strongly recommended the concession of the Irish claims, that the whole empire might be firmly united against the common enemy. Two amendments to the address, brought in by Lord Grenville, as also that proposed by the Duke of Norfolk, were negatived.

In the House of Commons the address was moved by Lord Hamilton, who stated, with great energy, the critical situation of the country, in which faint-heartedness and listlessness would inevitably lead us to ruin. He praised Mr. Perceval and the rest of the Ministers to the skies, and was seconded by Mr. Ellis.

Lord Milton reprobated the rejection of the mediation by Russia, and lamented that

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nothing in the speech appeared to indicate a disposition for the restoration of peace when it was practicable. He asserted, that the Copenhagen business was, primâ facie, an unprovoked act of aggression.

Mr. Ponsonby hoped that England would never bow her head to France; and he was convinced that if she were now to stoop she would never be able to rise again. He was sorry to observe, that no notice had been taken of Ireland in the speech; and he gave notice that if Ministers did not produce the documents on the Copenhagen business he should move for them himself, or introduce the subject in some other shape for regular discussion.

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Mr. Milnes vindicated the Ministry through thick and thin.

Mr. Whitbread reprobated the Copenha gen business, and declared, that for his part he would rather have the Danish navy in the Danish ports, manned with Danish sailors and their hearts with us, than all the ships they possessed in their own harbours, and the hearts of the population, as it now is to a man, against us. He could not give the

ministers credit for getting off the court of Portugal to their trans-atlantic possessions, and he lamented the want of a disposition for peace. He hoped the people would con- “ tinue to press forward with petitions till Ministers were forced to make peace, or the government was placed in the hands of others who would agree to it. Yet he would sooner see the country perish, than witness a peace dishonourable or insecure.

Mr. Canning asserted, that as to Russia, there was sufficient to justify Ministers in what they had done, and he was ready without documents to meet the discussion on that subject. She had offered to mediate, but she had neither the temper nor the power to do it, for at the time she professed to be the sworn protector of Europe, she was the slave of France by the treaty of Tilsit. As to the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeak, no time was lost on the investigation, and it appeared that an act had been done without authority, and an answer to this effect was returned. As to the affair of the Chesapeak, he said, reparation was voluntarily offered to the Americans, but unfortunately in the mean time other inci

dents occured, which still continued to be matter of discussion. The late Orders of Council were assuredly matters of the highest importance, but they were made necessary by the conduct of the enemy. We had the right to make retaliation; and we cannot look forward to a permanent and honourable peace, but from our naval superiority. Lord Henry Petty and Mr. Bathurst each opposed Ministers, but without any new argument.

Mr. Windham reprobated the Copenhagen business in the strongest terms. He had much rather that Buonaparte possessed the fleet, than that we should acquire it at the price of our honour, and the national de gradation. The ships we had thus obtained were perishable, the enmity of a power once friendly to us would never decay, and our national disgrace would be eternal. The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared, that Ministers had no written document respect-· ing the secret articles of the Treaty of Tilsit; but they had a communication of the substance of these secret articles from the most unquestionable authority. Mr. Sheridan was very severe upon Mr. Perceval, ob