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XLIX.

CHAP. ratified or rejected by the applause or clamour the Roman people. But the election was imperfect; nor could the pontiff be legally confecrated till the emperor, the advocate of the church, had gracioufly fignified his approbation and confent. The royal commiffioner examined, on the spot, the form and freedom of the proceedings; nor was it, till after a previous fcrutiny into the qualifications of the candidates, that he accepted an oath of fidelity, and confirmed the donations which had fucceffively enriched the patrimony of St. Peter. In the frequent fchifms, the rival claims were submitted to the sentence of the emperor; and in a fynod of bishops he presumed to judge, to condemn, and to punish, the crimes of a guilty pontiff. Otho the first imposed a treaty on the senate and people, who engaged to prefer the candidate most acceptable to his majesty ""; his fucceffors anticipated or prevented their choice: they bestowed the Roman benefice, like the bifhoprics of Cologne or Bamberg, on their chancellors or preceptors; and whatever might be the merit of a Frank or Saxon, his name fufficiently attests the interpofition of foreign power. Thefe acts of pre

127

(Inftitut. Hift. Ecclef. p. 345-347.), who accurately remarks the forms and changes of the election. The cardinal Bishops, fo highly exalted by Peter Damianus, are funk to a level with the rest of the facred college.

127 Firmiter jurantes, nunquam fe papam electuros aut ordínaturos, præter confenfum et electionem Othonis et filii fui (Liutprand, 1. vi. c. 6. p. 472.). This important conceffion may either fupply or confirm the decree of the clergy and people of Rome, fo fiercely rejected by Baronius, Pagi, and Muratori (A. D. 964), and fo well defended and explained by St. Marc (Abregé, tom. ii. p. 808-816. tom. iv. p. 1167-1185.). Confult that historical critic, and the Annals of Muratori for the election and confirmation of each pope.

rogative

XLIX.

rogative were most speciously excused by the vices CHA P. of a popular election. The competitor who had been excluded by the cardinals, appealed to the paffions or avarice of the multitude: the Vatican and the Lateran were ftained with blood; and the moft powerful fenators, the marquiffes of Tufcany and the counts of Tufculum, held the apoftolic fee. in a long and difgraceful fervitude. The Roman Diforders. pontiffs, of the ninth and tenth centuries, were infulted, imprisoned, and murdered, by their tyrants; and fuch was their indigence after the lofs and ufurpation of the ecclefiaftical patrimonies, that they could neither fupport the state of a prince, nor exercise the charity of a prieft 28. The influence of two fifter prostitutes, Marozia, and Theodora, was founded on their wealth and beauty, their political and amorous intrigues: the most ftrenuous of their lovers were rewarded with the Roman mitre, and their reign. may have fuggested to the darker ages the

129'.

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fable

128 The oppreffion and vices of the Roman church in the xth century are ftrongly painted in the history and legation of Liutprand (fee p. 440. 450 471–476. 479, &c.); and it is whimsical enough to observe Muratori tem pering the invectives of Baronius against the popes. Eut these popes had been chofen, not by the cardinals, but by lay-patrons.

129 The time of pope Joan (patiffa Joanna) is placed fomewhat earlier than Theodora or Marozia; and the two years of her imaginary reign are forcibly inferted between Leo IV. and Benedict III. But the contemporary Anaftafius indiffolubly links the death of Leo and the elevation of Benedict, (illico, mox, p. 247.): and the accurate chronology of Pagi, Muratori, and Leibnitz, fixes both events to the year 857.

130 The advocates for pope Joan produce one hundred and fifty witneffes, or rather echoes, of the xiyth, xyth, and xvith centuries. They bear testimony against themselves and the legend, by multiplying the proof that fo

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curious

J

CHAP. fable" of a female pope ". The baftard fon, the

XLIX.

grandson and the great grandson of Marozia, a rare
genealogy, were feated in the chair of St. Peter, and
it was at the age of nineteen years that the second of
thefe became the head of the Latin church. His
youth and manhood were of a suitable complexion;
and the nations of pilgrims could bear teftimony to
the charges that were urged against him in a Roman
fynod, and in the presence of Otho the
great.
As
John XII. had renounced the drefs and decencies
of his profeffion, the foldier may not perhaps be
dishonoured by the wine which he drank, the blood
that he spilt, the flames that he kindled, or the
licentious pursuits of gaming and hunting. His
open fimony might be the confequence of diftrefs:

curious a story must have been repeated by writers of every description to whom it was known. On thofe of the ixth and xth centuries, the recent event would have flashed with a double force. Would Photius have spared such a reproach? Could Liutprand have miffed fuch a fcandal? It is fcarcely worth while to difcufs the various readings of Martinus Polonus, Sigebert of Gemblours, or even Marianus Scotus; but a most palpable forgery is the paffage of pope Joan, which has been foifted into fome MSS. and editions of the Roman Anaftafius.

131 As falfe, it deferves that name; but I would not pronounce it incre. dible. Suppose a famous French chevalier of our own times to have been born in Italy, and educated in the church, instead of the army: ber merit or fortune might have raised her to St. Peter's chair; her amours would have been natural; her delivery in the streets unlucky, but not improbable.

132 Till the reformation, the tale was repeated and believed without offence; and Joan's female ftatue long occupied her place among the popes in the cathedral of Sienna (Pagi, Critica, tom. ili. p. 624-626.). She has been annihilated by two learned protestants, Blondel and Bayle (Dictionaire Critique, PAPESSE, POLONUS, BLONDEL); but their brethren were scan→ dalifed by this equitable and generous criticifm. Spanheim and Lenfant attempt to fave this poor engine of controverfy; and even Mosheim conde. fcends to cherish some doubt and suspicion (p. 289.).

5

XLIX.

and his blafphemous invocation of Jupiter and CHA P. Venus, if it be true, could not poffibly be ferious. But we read with fome furprise, that the worthy grandfon of Marozia lived in public adultery with the matrons of Rome; that the Lateran palace was turned into a school for prostitution, and that his rapes of virgins and widows had deterred the female pilgrims from visiting the tomb of St. Peter, left, in the devout act, they should be violated by his fucceffor "33. The proteftants have dwelt with malicious pleasure on these characters of anti-chrift; but to a philofophic eye, the vices of the clergy are far lefs dangerous than their virtues. After a long series of scandal, the apoftolic fee was reformed and exalted by the tufterity and zeal of Gregory VII. That ambitious monk devoted his life to the execution of two projects. I. To fix in the college of cardinals the freedom and independence of election, and for ever to abolish the right or ufurpation of the emperors and the Roman people. II. To bestow and refume the Western empire as a fief or benefice 134 of the church, and to extend

133 Lateranenfe palatium . . proftibulum meretricum ..... Teftis omnium gentium, præterquam Romanorum, absentia mulierum, quæ fanctorum apoftolorum limina orandi gratiâ timent visere, cum nonnullas ante dies paucos, hunc audierint conjugatas viduas, virgines vi. oppreffiffe (Liutprand, Hist. Į. vi. c. 6. p. 471. See the whole affair of John XII. p. 471– 476.).

134 A new example of the mischief of equivocation is the beneficium (Du. cange, tom. 1. p. 617, &c.) which the pope conferred on the emperor Frederic I. fince the Latin word may fignify either a legal fief, or a simple favour, an obligation (we want the word bienfait). See Schmidt, Hift. des Allemands, tom. iii. p. 393-408. Pfeffel, Abregé Chronologique, tom. i. p. 229. 296. 317. 324. 420. 430. 500. 505. 509, &c.).

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Reforma. claims of the church.

tion and

A. D.

1073. &c.

XLIX.

CHAP. his temporal dominion over the kings and kingdoms of the earth. After a contest of fifty years, the first of these defigns, was accomplished by the firm fupport of the ecclefiaftical order, whofe liberty was connected with that of their chief. But the second attempt, though it was crowned with fome partial and apparent fuccefs, has been vigorously refifted by the fecular power, and finally extinguished by the improvement of human reafon.

Authority

of the emperors in Rome.

In the revival of the empire of Rome, neither. the bishop nor the people could bestow on Charlemagne or Otho, the provinces which were loft, as they had been won, by the chance of arms. But, the Romans were free to chufe a master for themfelves; and the powers which had been delegated to the patrician, were irrevocably granted to the French and Saxon emperors of the Weft. The broken records of the times 35 preferve fome remembrance of their palace, their mint, their tribunal, their edicts, and the fword of juftice, which, as late as the thirteenth century, was derived from Cæfar to the præfect of the city 136. Between the arts of the popes and the violence of the people, this fupremacy was crufhed and annihilated. Content with the titles of emperor and Auguftus, the fucceffors of Charlemagne neglected to affert this local jurisdiction. In the hour of

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135 For the hiftory of the emperors in Rome and Italy, fee Sigonius, de Regno Italiæ; Opp. tom. ii. with the Notes of Saxius, and the Annals of Muratori, who might refer more diftinctly to the authors of his great collection.

136 See the Differtation of Le Blanc at the end of his Treatife des Monnoyes de France, in which he produces fome Roman coins of the French emperors.

profperity,

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