Friends and fellow subjects.

When a nation, led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence and humanity can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and instead of giving support to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers.

In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men, and the blessings of liberty, to you their posterity.

Be not surprised, therefore, that we who are descended from the same common ancestors; that we, whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitution you so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government and the solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that by having our lives and property in their power, they may, with the greatest facility, enslave you.

Know then, that we consider ourselves, and do insist that we are and ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain, and that no power on earth has a right to take our property from us, without our consent.

Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain, lords of their own property? Can it be taken from them, without their consent? Will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man, or number of men whatever? You know they will not. Why then are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their property than you are of yours? Or why should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament or any other parliament, or council in the world, not of their election ?

Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety. . . . Such declarations we consider as heresies in English politics, and which can no more operate to deprive us of our property, than the interdicts of the pope can divest kings of sceptres which the laws of the land and the voice of the people have placed in their hands. . . . We call upon you yourselves, to witness our loyalty and attachment to the common interest of the whole empire; did we not, in the last war, add all the strength of this vast continent to the force which repelled our common enemy? Did we not leave our native shores, and meet disease and death, to promote the success of British arms in foreign climates? Did you not thank us for our zeal, and even reimburse us large sums of money, which, you confessed we had advanced beyond our proportion, and far beyond our abilities? You did. . .. Let justice and humanity cease to be the boast of your nation. Consult your history, examine your records of former transactions; nay, turn to the annals of the many arbitrary states and kingdoms that surround you, and shew us a single instance of men being condemned to suffer for imputed crimes, unheard, unquestioned, and without even the specious formality of a trial; and that, too, by laws made expressly for the purpose, and which had no existence at the time of the fact committed. If it be difficult to reconcile these proceedings to the genius and temper of your laws and constitution, the task will become more arduous, when we call upon our ministerial enemies to justify, not only condemning men untried, and by hearsay, but involving the innocent in one common punishment with the guilty, and for the act of 30 or 40, to bring poverty, distress and calamity, on 30,000 souls, and those not your enemies, but your friends, brethren and fellowsubjects. ... Nor can we suppress our astonishment, that a British parliament should ever consent to establish in that country, a religion that has deluged your island in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion through every part of the world. This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to what end they lead. Admit that the ministry, by the powers of Britain, and the aid of our Roman Catholic neighbors, should be able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect humiliation and slavery. Such an enterprise would doubtless make some addition to your national debt, which already presses down your liberties, and fills you with pensioners and placemen. We presume, also, that your commerce will somewhat be diminished. However, suppose you should prove victorious, in what condition will you then be ? What advantages or what laurels will you reap from such a conquest ?

May not a ministry with the same armies enslave you ?– It may be said, you will cease to pay them,—but remember the taxes from America, the wealth, and we may add the men, and particularly the Roman Catholics of this vast continent, will then be in the power of your enemies; nor will you have any reason to expect, that after making slaves of us, many among us should refuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject state. ...

We believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much public spirit in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal. You have been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of inde ndency. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies.- Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you, to be our greatest glory and our greatest happiness; we shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire; we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own. ..

But, if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind-if neither the voice of justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood, in such an impious cause, we must then tell you, that we will never submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the world.



Johns Hopkins University Studies




Antilia, Island of, 483.

Applegarth, Dr. A. C., on Quakers
Act of Supremacy, 96; University,

in Pennsylvania, 385-464.
98; of 1752, 163; for ecc. regula- | Archdale, John, and the Quakers in
tion, 169; effect of, 170; for relief North Carolina, 271-272.
of sober conscience, 170.

Aristotle, view of the world, 473;
Adams, Dr. Herbert B., on Colum-

“Heavens," 474; E. J. Payne,
bus and his Discovery, 471-503.

quoted, note 474.
Adams, John, his letter quoted, 576, Asia, route of reaching, 476.

Atlantis, continent of, 473.
Adams, Samuel, and the declaration, Azores, 480.

Agesilaus, cited, 398.
Agmenticus, 120.

Backus, Isaac, quoted, 117, 137.
Albemarle colony. (See North Caro- | Bacon, Roger, “Opus Majus,” quoted,

Alhambra, surrender of, 485. Balboa, 473.
Aliaco, Pedro de, Cardinal, 470. Balkom, Mr., 185.
America, discovery of, 472 ; first is. Baltimore, Lord, and the confirma-

land, 490; meaning of, 501; who tion of the charter, 5, 6; his policy
first saw, 511; first Jew in, Dr. toward religious freedom, 199-215,
Kayserling on, 510-513.

218; his paper on religious affairs

of discontent, in Maryland, quoted, 230, 231.
Franklin 595; principles Bancroft, quoted, 247; relates Penn's
argued, 602-603.

action toward Indians, 444.
Amherst, Gen'!, 369; and the French | Bandholtz, August, 52.
and Indian War, 370.

Bank, the Illinois State, failure of,
Anabaptist, 164.

59; the Nebraska Western Ex-
Andover, church of, 153.

change, 63.
Andros, 124, 567.

Baptism, question of, 140.



Baptists, law against, 115, 164; per- | Bray, Rev. Thomas, and the Estab-

secution of, 121, 137; in Boston, lished Church in North Carolina,
144, 145; in Rehoboth, 144; under 279.
Plymouth colony, 151; increase Brewster, William, 100; Elder, 152.
of, 155; prominent men, 156; in Brown, Robert, and his doctrine, 99.
Mass., 161, 162, 164; effort of, Brownists, rise and doctrine of, 99;
during Revolution period, 177; leaders of, 99; in Holland, 100-
Free-Will Anti-pedo, 183.

101; reasons for their removal to
Barrowists, 99.

America, 102; idea of relation of
Barry, prison writings of, 100.

Church and State, 107.
Bartholomew, brother of Columbus, Browne, Dr. William Hand, quoted,

204, 205.
Beaconsfield, Lord, quoted, 558. Buck, quoted, 165.
Beardsley, Dr., quoted, 145.

Bulkeley, 145.
Beecher, Dr. Lyman, cited, 182. Burgess, Bishop, 188.
Bennington, church' in, 132; Dec- Burke, Edmund, quoted, 435, 580,
laration of Rights, 132.

581, 595; his speeches and consti-
Berglund, Andreas, 27; becomes the tutional rights, 599; on colonies,

guardian of Eric Janson's son. 602.
Berkeley, Sir William, 251, 253.
Bertrand, Paul, 234.

Bill of Rights, 166, 172, cited, 183;

of Maine, 184; of Massachusetts, California, discoveries of gold in, 45.
185; Amendment, 188.

Callender, Mr. Ellis, 156.
Bishop Hill Colony, the, M. A. Mik- Calvert, Baltimore's secy, 326; at-

kelsen on, 1-80; the first Settle- tempts to bribe the assembly, 375,
ment of, 29; origin of the name 376.
of, 37; incorporation of, 48, 89; Calvert, Charles, his letter quoted,
community of, 51; economical as- 209.
pect of, 52, 53; social aspect of, 54, Calvinistic, state church, 188.
55; introduction of the doctrine of Cambridge Platform, 116.
celibacy, 56; education among, 57; | Canada, ceded to England, 561, 562.
religious aspect of, 58; internal Canal, the Ilinois and Michigan,
dissensions among, 64-68; dissolu- construction of, 58, 59.
tion of, 68; causes of failure, 69, Canary Islands, discovery of, 473, 480.
70; causes of success, 70; the press | Canterbury, Archbishop of, his letter
ent town of Bishop Hill, 71 ; char- quoted, 227, 228.
ter of, 73, 74; the old by-laws of, Cape Fear, settlement of, 253.
74–76; the new by-laws of, 76-80. Cape Non, 480.
Biskopskulla Parish, 16.

Cape of Good Hope, 473.
Black, Dr. J. William, on Maryland's Cape Porpoise, 120.

attitude in the struugle for Canada, Cary, Col., and William Glover, 293–

297 ; and the Cary rebellion, 297–
Blair, Rev. John, and his mission in 300.
North Carolina, 280-281.

Cary Rebellion, the missionary Gor-
Blest, Islands of, 480.

don's account of, 288; the causes
Bond, Gov., 58.

of, 291, 292; outbreak of, 297 ; end
Boston, Church, 142; dissenters in, of, 300; result of, 300, 301.

144; separation of church from Castelar, Spanish statesman, 485.
town, 152

Cathay, 482.
Boston Port Bill, 606.

Catholics and Protestants, relative
Bothnia. gulf of, 11.

power in early Maryland, 215-
Braddock, Gen'l Edward, arrival of, 218; treatment of, 370-372.

326; expedition against Fort Du- Certificate, system and argument,
quesne, 330.

165; for dissenters, 174.

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