power and prosperity which are doing that mighty work from the Atlantic to the Pacific, that is already exciting the admiration of the Old World, and will stimulate by its example the exertion of the New. Our population of Irish descent have fought the battles of the country with as much zeal and bravery as any class of citizens; and from the heights of Abraham, where Montgomery fell, to the walls of Monterey, their blood has been poured out like water in defense of liberty.

"We can now send to Ireland, not indeed what she has sent us, her children-those we cannot part with--but food for their relatives, our friends 'upon whom the hand of God is heavily laid. In a petition presented yesterday by the senator from New-York, was a suggestion which I am gratified to find embodied in the bill reported by the Senator from Kentucky, and which I should be happy to see carried into effect: to employ in the transportation of provisions such of the armed ships of the United States as are not required for the operations of the war. It would be a beautiful tribute to the advancing spirit of the age. would thus become a messenger of life; agents of preservation; and our eagle, which has flown above them, and carried our arms to the very coast of Ireland, would then become the signal of hope, where it has been the signal of defiance. I shall lend the bill my support with pleasure."

The messenger of death the agents of destruction

The debate on the bill was continued. after Gen. Cass concluded his remarks, and Mr. Mason, of Virginia, moved to change its character, so as to make it authorize the free transportation of food to Ireland in national vessels, instead of being a direct grant of money for the purchase and transportation of provisions. Gen. Cass voted against this amendment, moved by his political friend; and thus showed his preference that the measure should remain a direct grant of money for relief purposes. Then came the final vote upon the bill, and on the 27th February, 1847, Gen. Cass voted for its passage, as he declared that he should do when it was first brought before the Senate.

Gen. Cass also supported the bill to enable the President of the United States to take temporary military possession of Yucatan. The executive and legislative departments of that government having sought the protection of the United States, from the attacks

of the Indian inhabitants of Yucatan, upon them, Gen. Cass was in favor of the proposition, both for reasons of humanity and public policy. Yucatan had also sought the interposition of both England and Spain; and the question of interference on the part of the United States, was closely connected with its policy in regard to permitting any foreign government to plant its standard on this continent. On these grounds, Gen. Cass sustained the bill.

CHAPTER XVI.

Course of General Cass in the Senate meets with approval from the people-Convention at Baltimore in 1848-Hunkers and Barnburners-Votes in Convention -Gen. Cass nominated for the Presidency-Remarks of Mr. Stevenson President of the Convention-Gcn. Cass' letter of acceptance-Baltimore Resolutions-Gen. Cass resigns his seat in the Senate-His reception by the people, on his route home-Campaign of 1848--Position of Mr. Van Buren-The Utica Convention-Buffalo Convention-Bitterness of the opponents of the democratie party against Gen. Cass--Characteristics of the contest--Confidence of the democratic party in their candidates.

The course of Gen. Cass in the Senate of the United States contributed to increase his fame as a statesman, and to add new and strong proofs of his attachment to his country and her institutions. Every act of his senatorial career-every sentiment uttered by him, carried in itself evidence of his nationality as a legislator. It seems to have been with him an ever present principle that mere expediency or temporary advantage should never be permitted to supercede the claims upon his judgment, of a well founded and reasonable policy. To meet the whole question at once and decide upon it, in view of all its bearings and consequences, was considered by him better, than to temporize, and plan and intrigue to avert until some further day, the final result. It was in this bold and decisive manner that he met the exciting and perilous question which pervaded the public mind and absorbed public attention, previous to the meeting of the democratic Baltimore Convention of 1848. The democratic party throughout the union may be said to have been at that time, comparatively unanimous in the wish that Gen. Cass should be their candidate for the Presidency, to succeed Mr. Polk. The numerous manifestations of public feeling, which by means of the public press, circulated through the country, established the fact, that not only was he the favorite candidate of the democracy of a majority of the States, but of the democratic party within those States respectively. Every section of the Union, except those States having a distinguished citizen of their own aspiring to the Presidency, emphatically cal

led upon Gen. Cass to be their candidate. They had carefully noted his public career, and had not forgotten the noble trait he exhibited, when in 1844 he took the field, in support of his successful competitor before the convention. His views on the Oregon question, on the slavery question, on the tariff, on all the leading measures, were well known to be free from sectionalism. He regarded the entire country as interested in all these questions, and in acting upon them he was governed by what, in his judgment, seemed most beneficial to the whole. Such a man was most fit to be at the head of the government, at a time when agitation and party spirit and an unhealthy sentiment on some topics, prevailed. The Wilmot Proviso" had arrayed in its favor, a number of partisans, and among them a few distinguished and prominent democrats, whose previous doctrines and practice had been diametrically opposed to its provisions. The excitement on this question reached such a height in the State of New York that two sets of delegates were selected to the Baltimore Convention, ane for, and one opposed to the Proviso. The acerbity of feeling between these two parties was so powerful, that no concession could be obtained from either, nor under the circumstances could either participate in the action of the Convention, consequently New York debarred herself from casting a vote for the democratic nominee.

The Baltimore convention assembled on the twenty-second of May, 1848. Hon. Andrew Stevenson, of Virginia, was chosen President. It was resolved that the two-third rule should govern in the choice of candidates for President and Vice President. The two sets of Delegates from New York, claiming seats in the convention, the subject was referred to the committee on credentials. The committee adopted a resolution, not to open the discussion between the conflicting parties for seats in the convention, until each party should pledge themselves to abide by the decision of the convention, and agree to support, by all honorable means, the nomination made by that body. To this resolution the delegates selected at the Utica Convention (characterized as Barnburners) responded that they would not pledge themselves as required by the committee on credentials, and that they must be admitted unconditionally, or not at all.

The delegates chosen by the Syracuse Convention (called Hunkers) responded, that they acknowledged the right of the convention to settle the question of admissibility-that they w old acquiesce in the decision of the convention, in determining which del egation should have seats therein and that they would support such nominees as the convention should present for the support of the democratic party.

The committe reported to the convention their proceedings, with a resolution in substance that the Syracuse delegates were entitled to seats in the convention.

Leave was granted by the convention to the contesting parties, to advocate their respective claims, and gentlemen from both delegations addressed the convention. Upon discussion and deliberation the convention adopted a resolution allowing both sets of delegates from New York to participate in all the proceedings and privileges of the convention and to cast seventy-two votes for the State, that being the number of delegates from the State of New York claiming seats in the convention.

The convention being organized, proceeded to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. On the first ballot, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, received one hundred and twenty-five votes, being the votes in part, of eighteen States. James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, received fifty-five votes, being the votes in part, of eight States. Levi Woodbury, of New Hampshire, received fifty-three votes, being the votes in part, of twelve States. George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, received three votes, being part of the vote of the State of Georgia. On this ballot, the votes of the States were divided among the candidates. The whole number of votes cast in the convention, was two hundred and thirty-six. The number necessary to a choice, one hundred and fifty-seven, (New-York and Florida not voting;) and no one having received that number, there was no choice.

On the second ballot, Gen. Cass received one hundred and thirty-three votes, Mr. Buchanan fifty-four, Mr. Woodbury fifty-six, and Mr. Dallas three ;--New-York and Florida not voting. No one receiving two thirds of the votes cast, the convention proceeded to a third ballot, when Gen. Cass received one hundred and fiftynine votes, Mr. Buchanan forty, Mr. Woodbury fifty-three, and