stances, which if misstated or misconceived, might lead to mischievous mistakes.

"I have not resigned on account of the intention of the Government, so far as I have a knowledge of it, to introduce any measure relating to the Church of England or of Ireland. The cause, then, I am about to lay before the House, is the sole cause which has led to the step I have adopted. I had taken upon myself some years ago, whether wisely or unwisely is not now the question, to state to the world, and that in a form the most detailed and deliberate, not under the influence of momentary consideration nor impelled by the heat and pressure of debate, the views which I entertained on the subject of the relation of a Christian state in its alliance with a Christian church. Of all subjects, therefore, which could be raised, this I had treated in a manner the most detailed and deliberate. I have never, however, been guilty of the folly which has been charged upon me by some, of holding that there were any theories which were to be regarded alike under all circumstances as immutable and unalterable. But, on the other hand, I have a strong conviction, speaking under ordinary circumstances and as a general rule, that those who have borne solemn testimony on great constitutional questions ought not to be parties to proposing a material departure from them. It may be in the recollection of the House that my right honourable friend at the head of the Government did, towards the close of last session, allude to inquiries he was about to make into the possibility of extending academical education in Ireland, and indicate

the spirit in which that important matter might be dealt with. I am not in possession of the mature intentions of the Government, and can only refer to them so far as they are known to me. I am bound to say, in regard to what the Government contemplate in regard to the Roman Catholic College of Maynooth-a subject to which my right honourable friend made distinct allusion-that I know nothing beyond what might fairly be inferred from what my right honourable friend then said. But those intentions were at variance with what I have stated as the best and most salutary principles, and in my view, a departure from them: I do not mean a first departure from them: but I think the public would feel, and justly feel, that the spirit of that measure did involve a material alteration of the system which upon its own merits I have felt it my duty to advocate. I therefore held it to be my duty, whenever such a measure came before the House, to apply my mind to its consideration free from all biassed or selfish considerations, and with the sole and single view of arriving at such a conclusion as upon the whole the interests of the country and the circumstances of the case might seem to demand. Again I tell the House, I am sensible how fallible my judgment is, and how easily I might have erred; but still it has been my conviction, that although I was not to fetter my judgment as a Member of Parliament by a reference to abstract theories, yet, on the other hand, it was absolutely due to the pul

and due to myself, that I far as in me lay, place a position to form an of so great

I

importance, that should not only be actually free from all bias or leaning with respect to any considerations whatsoever, but an opinion that should be unsuspected. On that account, I have taken a course most painful to myself in respect to personal feelings, and have separated myself from men with whom and under whom I have long acted in public life, and of whom I am bound to say, although I have now no longer the honour of serving my most gracious Sovereign, that I continue to regard them with unaltered sentiments both of public regard and private attachment. I do feel it to be my duty also, at the same moment, distinctly to say, that I am not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against the measures of my right honourable friend. can understand, and I have even ventured to vindicate, the principles upon which a Christian state allies itself, for religious purposes, with a Christian church, but if the time has come when, owing to religious divisions, and a great modification of political sentiments, what remains of that system must be further departed from, then I cannot understand how a line of distinction is to be drawn unfavourable to my Roman Catholic fellow-subjects in Ireland. But I most fervently and earnestly trust and hope that they will be regarded as having a title to the favour of the Legislature, on the same grounds as members of other professions of Christians. I have said nothing of the expediency of the measure which my right honourable friend proposes to introduce, because I feel that it ought not to be prejudged, but to receive a calm and deliberate consideration when it comes properly before the

House.

But I wish most distinctly to state, that I am not prepared to take part in any religious warfare against that measure, such as I believe it may be, or to draw a distinction, on the other hand, between the Roman Catholics and other denominations with reference to their religious opinions. I do not know that I have anything to add."

Sir R. Peel confirmed Mr. Gladstone's statements in every particular. He avowed the highest respect and admiration for Mr. Gladstone's character and abilities; admiration only equalled by regard for his private character. He added some details, into which his right honourable friend had felt himself precluded from entering.

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If my right honourable friend did not immediately press his resignation, for that I am responsible. I was unwilling to lose, until the latest moment, the advantages I derived from one I consider capable of the highest and most eminent services. I think it right to state, or rather re-state, that it is not with regard to any question of commercial policy that my right honourable friend has sent in his resignation. For three years I have been closely connected with my right honourable friend in the introduction of measures connected with the financial policy of the country; and I feel it my duty openly to avow, that it seems almost impossible that two public men, acting together so long, should have had so little divergence in their opinions upon such questions. The House may remember, that in the course of last session, upon a motion by an honourable gentleman opposite, the Member for Waterford, I made a declaration to this effect--that

Her Majesty's Government would, during the recess, apply themselves to the great question of academical education in Ireland; that I did admit, looking at the population, looking to the state of the country with respect to universities, looking at the state of Scotland with respect to the opportunities there afforded for academical education -seeing that in England there were the two great Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, that more recently there had been established in the metropolis two colleges, since united-that in Scotland there were no fewer than five universities; and then, looking to the state of Ireland, and finding that, with the exception of the establishment at Belfast, there was only one university-I was disposed to admit, that in that country there did not exist the same facilities for academical education as in England and Scotland. I trust it is unnecessary to say that I did not make that statement for the purpose of evading any temporary difficulty. I made it deliberately, and with a firm conviction of its truth, on the part of myself and my colleagues, and that it was a pledge which should be fulfilled, and with the determination that I would not by general phrases encourage expectations which could not be realized. We shall therefore be prepared to fulfil that pledge. We have considered the question of academical education in Ireland; and at an early period of the present session we shall propose an increase of facilities for academical education, open to all classes of Her Majesty's subjects in that country. I did not at the close of the last session, shrink from the declaration, that, among other institutions connected with

academical education, the state of the College of Maynooth should undergo the consideration of the Government. Sir, we do intend to make a proposal to this House, and I frankly state, on the very first day of the session, that it is our intention to propose a liberal increase of the vote for the College of Maynooth. I beg to state also, with equal distinctness, that we do not propose to accompany that increased vote by any regulation with respect to the doctrine, discipline, or management of the College, which can diminish the grace and favour of the grant."

Sir R. Peel proceeded to say, that the sincerity with which the Government was acting in this subject was evident, from the fact that it had persevered in its intention, with a full knowledge that it would lead to the loss of so valuable a colleague as Mr. Gladstone; and yet the noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) had taken a party advantage of the liberal policy adopted by the Government, and had condescended to make a little insinuation against it, in order to persuade the people of Ireland to reject the proposal, because the existing Government were the authors of it. He then proceeded to defend the conduct of the Government in respect of the Charitable Bequests Bill, which they had proposed as a measure of justice to Ireland, and he again referred to Lord J. Russell's party attack on the Ministry with reference to this subject. The noble Lord had quoted exasperating expressions which had been applied in the heat of party contest to the Romish priesthood for the purpose of recalling them to the recollection of the public mind in Ireland, and fixing them upon people's memories. "I care not who used them;

Noble Lord says that we made an extravagant demand upon France. Sir, we made no demand. We lost not an hour in stating to France what had occurred. We preferred no demand; and we stated distinctly, We rely entirely on you to make us the reparation we have a right to expect.' I think it would not have been wise in us to ask any reparation from France which we would not have granted ourselves. See what the position of France and England is with respect to its influence over affairs in the other hemisphere. See how our cordial and mutual understanding bears upon other countries on the West of the Atlantic. Our relations with France differ from those of any other Power. It is of the utmost importance with respect to your conduct and your relations with the South American States that there should prevail a friendly understanding between France and this country. I believe I am stating what is the general opinion of this country. I believe there is a general desire on the part of the people of this country to maintain the most amicable and friendly relations with France."

With respect to "the right of search" Sir R. Peel thought it would be better to refrain from any discussion, until the papers on that subject were before the House. Public opinion had been raised in France against the right of search. "Hour after hour we receive messages from the French Government; and we reply, We retain our opinion as to the obligation that is upon us to put down this traffic: we cannot depart from the measures already taken, unless we satisfy ourselves that the French Parliament will adopt some other

measure as efficacious in its provisions.' The policy of entering into an inquiry into this subject may depend upon the instruments employed to conduct that inquiry. Who is it that the French Minister has proposed to appoint? A man of the highest authority in France

I speak of M. De Broglie, a man ready to sacrifice great poli tical power to effect this object-a man who counselled one of the treaties, and who completed the other, in 1831 and 1833-a man whose prejudices are all in favour of maintaining the present treatyhe is the man offered by the French Government to confer with us whether it is possible to devise any measure more efficacious than the present for the suppression of traffic in slaves. And whom have we employed? Dr.Lushington-a man whose whole life has been devoted to this question, and who is ready to sacrifice any political power for the sake of advancing that great object."

With regard to the financial arrangements of the year, he would only remind the House that an honourable friend of his had already announced that it was his intention to bring them forward before the usual time. He should place at an early period the general outlines of his plan before the House, as he thought that when alterations were to be made in our financial policy, an early declaration of them was best. He wished the Noble Lord would take the sense of the House on the question, whether the Government had tarnished the fame of this country by their course, either with respect to Mr. Pritchard or to the right of search. He wished the House to declare whether the conduct of the Government in ac