hibition of the Berlin Decree by which they were precluded from all trade with Great Britain. The Orders of November, 1807, extended the operation of the Order of January but did not vary its principle. I have no wish to revive the differences which the hon. gentleman and I have so often discussed upon that subject, but I am equally prepared to contend now, as four years ago, that though there was some difference in degree between the Orders of November and that of January 1807, there was no difference in the principle; and certainly the hon. gentleman must own that the Americans have made no such distinction in their remonstrances.

nation of all the proceedings of the government of the United States an eager desire to gain possession of our North American territories: a plan long cherished, and not wholly, I fear, repugnant to the senti ments even of that party in the United States whom it is usual to designate as our friends. Even when their whole military establishment was 1,000 men, the American government and its partizans loudly proclaimed their sanguine hopes of victory in an expedition against British America, and delighted their fancies by imaginary conquests. I say, that even those who are called our friends in the United States are not averse from this enterprize, and would be won by the acquisition of Canada to the support and approbation of the war. But I use the expression "friends of this country"-as I do that of friends of France, not as implying on the one hand a British influence, nor on the other hand imputing an actual conscious subserviency to Buonaparié (though it must be owned that for the latter imputation there are appearances of but too probable grounds :) but simply as designating the two parties in the United States who respectively think the interests of their country best consulted, the one by a British, the other by a French connection.

And here I must confess that the censure of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) upon that part of the noble lord's (lord Castlereagh's) speech which re

The Orders in Council however both of January and November were abandoned: wisely or not, there is now no advantage in enquiring;-with little chance of satisfy ing America, as I thought at the time, and as must now be manifest to all mankind: and for this plain reason that the American government was not to be satisfied. They had an itch for war with this country, and they were determined to have it. Although therefore these are the only two points on which any practical discussion is pending, I cannot agree that they only entered the minds of the American executive when they declared war (for be it always remembered, that the war origi nated in their Declaration.) The spirit of animosity to this country indeed was not confined to the persons forming the cabinet of the United States; the gall of bit-ferred to the period chosen by the Ameterness not only overflowed in Washington, but at the very court of London. The notes of the republican Chargé d'Affaires, Mr. Russell, contain abundant evidence not only of the predetermination to war, but of the real motives of that policy. In the month of August, he, with warning voice, pointed out to ministers the consequences of hostility; he told them" if concessions are not speedily made, the passions of the inhabitants of the United States will be roused, and conquests may be gained on terms that forbid restoration." When this sentence was penned, had not Mr. Russell Canada before his eyes? Was he not in the transport of his visions of success betraying incautiously the secrets of his employers, which were not to be divulged till the promulgation of the Declaration? [Hear! hear! hear!] Low as he was in the rank of diplomacy, he was intrusted with this grand and favourite design; and it is impossible for any man not to see from the commencement to the termi

rican government for declaring war, appears to me exceedingly ill-founded. The noble lord's remarks upon that subject did not appear to me unjust or unnecessary. Looking at the present state of the world, who shail say what America might not have achieved? Not by mixing in the contest, and involving herself in the complicated relations of European politics; (for I have never wished to see America involved in the war,) but merely by abstaining from the course which she has unfortunately taken, by refusing to administer to the passions, to flatter the hatred of the tyrant, to afford him that new hope of victory, and that consolation in defeat, which he boasts of deriving, from the diversion of our means, and the distraction of our efforts by the Amecan war? [Hear, hear!]-What assistance might she not have rendered to the late glorious struggle in the north, not by active concert, but merely in forbearing to aid Buonaparte's arms by

that form of government is, even in this monarchical country, interwoven with our earliest impressions of honour, of liberty, and of virtue. But, I fear, that in the republic of America we look for the realization of our visions of republican virtue in vain. The sacred love of freedom, displayed in the annals of Greece and Rome, "made ambition virtue," and consecrated even the weapons of the conqueror. The modern republics of Europe polished mankind by their industry, and their arts. But I am afraid that neither the hardy valour, the ardent patriotism, and the lofty magnanimity of ancient Greece and Rome, nor the gentle manners and artificial refinements of Genoa or Florence, are to be

traced in the hard features of transatlantic democracy. (Hear, hear, hear!) Would it were otherwise. The heartless and selfish policy pursued by America will lead her far astray from her real interest. The first consequence of it will be, the loss of much internal prosperity, and I am much deceived if she will compensate this loss by the acquisition of much military glory.

partly occupying ours? Who would have expected to have seen this favourite child of freedom leagued with the oppressor of the world?-[Hear, hear, hear!-She who, twenty years ago, shed her blood for independence-she that, ever since that time, has boasted of the superiority of her citizens above all the nations of the globe-she that, watched over in her infancy by Great Britain, with parental tenderness and anxiety, nursed in the very lap of liberty, and educated in the school of republicanism, is now seen truckling to France, and condescending to become the tool of an ambition which threatens to lay prostrate at its feet the independence of every government, and of every people! Is this the same nation that we once remember to have heard shouting for emancipation? Is this the people that was to set an example of magnanimity to the world? I can scarcely believe it: I would willingly persuade myself that I am deceived; but facts cannot be discredited, and I behold the free republic of America lending her aid to crush those principles to which she owes her own existence, and to support the most desolating tyranny that ever afflicted the race of man.-[Hear, hear! It is impossible not to lament the loss to such a nation, of such an opportunity, which no combination of circumstances can ever restore. I do not say, that America should have been induced to assist us against France. I would not have asked her to risk her tender and unconfirmed existence in a war, and to endure" And could a nation so circumstanced all the dangers or to incur all the expences that must have ensued from her taking part in such an enterprize. She might have maintained a just and noble neutrality. But were it put to me indeed as matter of opinion,-supposing (what I do not suppose) that she could not avoid deciding one way or other, and that the risk of war on one side must be run,which would best become her history, her character, and her constitution, to unite with England or to league with France; I should not have hesitated in my determination. There was a time when I hoped that her choice, under such an alternative, would have required little deliberation; but though I should have applauded her option in such a case, I would not have forced nor even have solicited it. She was welcome to be neuter, could she but have persuaded herself to be impartial. There is still something imposing in the name of a republic. The veneration for (VOL. XXIV.)

The hon. gentleman (Mr. Foster) describes 1,000 soldiers, four or five frigates, to guard an extent of coast of 1,500 miles, and a revenue of only two millions and a half of dollars, I think, or thereabouts, as the means, physical and pecuniary, of which the United States were in possession, when they declared war against this country. Undoubtedly no man could. hear the statement without exclaiming,

venture upon a war with the mighty empire of Great Britain, with the most distant prospect of success?" Unluckily it did. The unwelcome truth cannot be concealed. Two out of these four or five frigates have captured two frigates from the British navy. I advert with unwillingness to this part of the subject, because, in my opinion (an opinion before expressed and still retained) vigorous measures becoming this great nation might have averted disasters which may have the effect of prolonging hostilities. It is no answer to say, that our navy is immense, but that it is proportionably extended on the different stations. I complain not of the naval department, but of the policy which controuled its operations. I complain that the arm which should have launched the thunderbolt, was occupied in guiding the pen : that admiral Warren was busied in negociating, when he ought to have been sinking, burning, and destroying. Admiral (2 T)

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Warren sails from this country in the to quit them. But having been expressly middle of August, and on the 27th of Sep-called upon to declare if I retained the tember he reaches Hallifax with his sentiments which I before expressed upon squadron, where he employs himself in the conduct of the war, I felt bound writing dispatches to the American go- in fairness not to decline the avowal vernment; while commodore Rogers, on that my opinion not only remains unthe 10th of October, sails unmolested altered, but has received additional from Boston. But we waited, it seems, confirmation from subsequent events. to be quite sure that we were If it be true (as I believe it to be) in ge tually at war? Granted, for argument's neral that indecision and delay are the pasake (for no other purpose could I con- rents of failure; that they take every sent to grant it) that in the first instance possible chance of detriment to the cause there might be not full conviction of in which they are employed, and afford the certainty of war; but even after the every advantage and encouragement American Declaration was received in the to the adversary; it was peculiarly true end of July, no hostile measure was resort- in the present instance, that prompti. ed to by this country till the 14th of Octo- tude and vigour afforded at once the surest ber, when letters of marque were issued, pledge of success in the war, and the only upon the receipt here of the intelligence hope of averting it altogether. If, while (and as might be not unfairly suspected, in the elections were pending the result of consequence of that intelligence) that the which was to place Mr. Madison, the archGuerriere frigate had been captured by enemy of this country, in the president's the Americans.-What is the next advance chair, a decisive blow had been struck by towards actual war? The blockade of the this country, the tide of popular opinion in Chesapeake, and the Order in Council an- America might have been turned, and the nouncing that blockade was issued; when? consequences of a long and ruinous war -the day after the arrival of the intelli- might have been avoided. I lament for gence that the Macedonian, another of the general happiness of mankind that no our frigates, had fallen into the power of the such vigorous exertion was attempted, and republic. The loss of these two fine ships though I am not disposed to unnecessary of war, produced a sensation in the coun- cruelties, nor would countenance the wanton try scarcely to be equalled by the most effusion of human blood, yet I cannot help violent convulsion of nature. I do not at- thinking that if some signal act of vengeance tribute the slightest blame to our gallant had been inflicted on any part of the United sailors; they always do their duty; but States, exposed to maritime attack, but parneither can I agree with those who com- ticularly on any portion of their territory plain of the shock of consternation through- where there prevailed the greatest attachout Great Britain, as having been greater ment to the interests of France, it would than the occasion justified; who would have at least been a useful warning, and represent the loss as insignificant, and the might have prevented the continuance of feelings of shame and indignation occa- the contest, if they had not prevented its sioned by it as exaggerated and extrava- commencement. I protest against the gant. That indignation was a wholesome doctrine of half-measures, and forbearance feeling which ought to be cherished and in war: for where vigour has a tendency maintained. It cannot be too deeply felt to decide the contest, hesitation is cruelty. that the sacred spell of the invincibility of But with those topics I have done. the British navy was broken by those unfortunate captures: and however speedily we must all wish the war to terminate, I hope I shall not be considered as sanguinary and unfeeling when I express my devout wish that it may not be concluded before we have re-established the character of our naval superiority, and smothered in victories the disasters which we have now to lament, and to which we are so little habituated.

Sir, I entered on these points reluctantly on the present occasion. Other occasions will arise for their discussion. I hasten

Whatever may be the result of the contest, after the declaration issued by the United States, this country will stand right in the eyes of the world and of posterity. Nay, it is not paradoxical to say that we shall stand right, at no distant time, in the eyes even of our enemies in the United States; for by a singular anomaly, upon the issue of this struggle in which America is attempting to cripple our resources, depends not only the independence of Europe, but perhaps ultimately, the freedom of America herself.