Sidebilder
PDF
ePub

sufficient to terrify the people. This unfortunate pontiff, trodden upon in France, despised in Italy, without territories, without revenue, abjuring temporal power, and, in fact, possessing none, is powerful only in the British dominions. Such, Sir, is the weakness of our government, such the disloyalty of our people, so cowardly are our soldiers, so stupid and ignorant our generals, so ineffective is our navy, that not even our insular position can protect us from the fear of this mighty potentate. But it is a source, to me, of the highest satisfaction, that this alarm has at length subsided; it is no longer possible to mislead the people by exciting their terrors; attempts to attain that object have not, on the present occasion, been wanting, but they have been wholly unavailing. I do not deny, Sir, that numerous petitions have been presented to this House against the Catholic claims, and that many of them are entitled to respect; but, of those which carry, in my mind, by far the greatest weight, (it does not become me to speak of Ireland or Scotland) of petitions from the freeholders or inhabitants of counties duly convened by the sheriffs, not more, I believe, than six, have been presented; and those have not all been adverse to the Catholics.

I hold in my hand, Sir, a pamphlet which purports to be the work of a society which has assumed the lofty name of Protestant Union; union for the purpose of creating disunion. Of those who compose this society I know nothing; it does not seem very proud of its members, for it has published no list of them, nor of its committee; it does seem proud of its chairman, and with reason, for his name is dear to humanity. This publication consists principally of resolutions, and of queries put to the Catholics, but, as it appears to have been no part of the plan to obtain answers to these queries, the publiIcation is wisely made at the very moment when it is likely to have its full effect upon the people, immediately before this debate, and when there was no longer any time for the Catholics of Ireland to make a reply to it; for the first meeting of the society is on the 12th of this month.

To this pamphlet is prefixed an Address, sufficiently pompous, in which the society promises to take the country under its protection, to direct the public opinion, and, from time to time, to afford that information, without which the two Houses of Parliament must have remained in such

miserable ignorance. The first light, however, which they give us, is somewhat dark, for it consists of anonymous letters. Now, Sir, I cannot but think that, when the worthy chairman has had time for cool reflection, he will seriously repent having brought against the Catholics, the heaviest charges, without excepting even that of murder, supported only by anonymous letters.

Sir, the clergy have not shewn, on this occasion, any deficiency of zeal; their exertions have not been wanting to load your table with petitions against the claims of the Catholics. Bishops and many high dignitaries, some with mitres on their heads, and some, perhaps, with mitres in their heads, have been active in sounding the alarm. Foremost in this holy crusade, in the front ranks of this army of the high church militant, stands a reverend and very learned prelate, from whose former works I have derived both pleasure and instruction; but I much doubt whether that, to which I now allude, whatever opinion gentlemen may entertain as to the talents which may be displayed in it, I very much doubt whether it will greatly add to his reputation for candour. Is it becoming in a prelate of the mild Protestant reformed church of England, to thunder out his anathemas against all who may dare to differ from him in opinion? Is it fitting that he should ascribe their conduct to the most profligate motives? Can he make no allowance for those who, without his talents, without his learning, may err with the best intentions? Yet he has declared that he will trace the opinions of those who advocate the claims of the Catholics, to artful misrepresentation, specious liberality, or infidel indifference.-Sir, I will never bring the last charge against any man without the most clear and weighty proof; but I think I may, without subjecting myself to the imputation of illiberality, retort the two first accusations upon the learned prelate himself-he has declared himself the liberal friend of toleration, but his specious liberality goes no further than permitting just so much toleration as, being already granted, he can no longer withhold: and he pretty clearly insinuates that, even that toleration goes far beyond what he would have consented to;-and to what, Sir, but to artful misrepresentation, can be ascribed his attempt to avail himself of the great name of the illustrious Mr. Fox, in support of his argument? hie

endeavour to represent that virtuous pa- | Irish nation, upon this subject, are by no triot, who spent the whole of his political means unanimous; that the representalife in the support of civil and religious tions and appearances of general favor liberty, as favourable to his own narrow and approbation, towards unconditional and exclusive views? This he has done, emancipation, are disproved; that a sentiby applying Mr. Fox's argument, against ment, directly contrary, prevails amongst a Popish king, with a subservient admi- a large and respectable body of the Pronistration, to the possible circumstance of testants of that country, is admitted by the half a dozen Catholic peers, and perhaps mover; the exact extent of which, I must twice as many commoners, being admitted leave to members, locally acquainted with into a legislature, composed of a thousand the places and persons, to discuss and settle. persons. I hope I do not presume too much upon the patience of the House, but, obnoxious as I am to the charges of the reverend prelate, for no man can differ more widely than I do from his opinions, on this subject, it may not be impertinent for me to declare that I am, as I have always been, from birth, education, and conviction, a zealous member of the Protestant church of England; but that I shall always claim for others, what I should, in every possible circumstance, claim for myself; the undoubted right of every man to worship the Deity in the manner which his conscience dictates to him," another country"] against the liberties without suffering, on that account, any ineapacity or disability whatever.

I shall, now, Sir, conclude with expressing my anxious hope that the House, by going into a committee, will fulfil the promise held out to the Catholics, by their predecessors, the last parliament; and, by restoring harmony to the empire, will prepare it for meeting the severe and arduous contest, with the continuance and increasing difficulties of which, we still are threatened.

Approving generally and admiring the tone of moderation and temper, in which the right hon. mover has always treated this subject, there are some expressions of a less conciliatory tendency, which I regret to have heard from him in the course of his speech; particularly one, in which he objects to the propriety or expediency of calling upon one part of his Majesty's subjects to petition against another; and still more to any Irish subjects petitioning a foreign country [Mr. Grattan interrupted, by saying that he had not used the word " foreign," but

of their own. Whither, then, would he wish them to appeal, but to that which, since the Union, is neither a foreign, nor even another country? The united par liament contains their true representatives, as well as ours, and the legislative and deliberate councils of both: is it fair to consider their common head and organ as fit to be addressed, in furtherance of the claims and pretensions of one class, but as being inaccessible to the appre hensions and fears of another?

The privations and sufferings of the Mr. Bankes.-Mr. Speaker, before I Roman Catholics have also been treated advert to the substance and material part by the right hon. gentleman in terms of of the speech of the right hon. mover, exaggeration. When partisan sheriffs are which forms by no means the largest por- spoken of, and partisan judges, is it intion of it, I am desirous of taking notice tended to assert that the fountain of jusof some preliminary topics, with which tice is polluted, or that the equal dispensahe has introduced it. It is natural for the tion of the laws is withheld from those right hon. gentleman, connected as he is who profess that persuasion? Is the juriswith Ireland, and strenuous as he has al-diction exercised there, a jurisdiction of ways been, in furthering the claims of the Roman Catholics, to observe, with dissatisfaction, and criticise with, perhaps, some little degree of severity, the sentiments of petitioners, so little in unison with his own. How such meetings have been convened, composed, or actuated, I possess neither the means, nor the inclination to inquire; but there is one main fact, which these petitions establish, most important for the consideration of the House; which is, that the wishes of the

prejudices, and parties, or is the steady and uniform current of the law of the land diverted from its course, not according to the preponderance of proof, nor the reason of the case, but according to the religious tenets of the several suitors? I trust, on the contrary, that all the inhabitants of that country are no less blessed, than those of this, with an impartial administration of the laws, and an unbiassed judicature. If such expressions, which magnify so unreasonably the hard

ships and grievances of the Roman Catho- | which she has ever held, but glories in lics, cannot be heard without some degree her perpetual unity of doctrine; referring, of pain, there are others, which I have as to an unquestionable and an authentic listened to with still less satisfaction; by text, to the councils, canons, and bulls which, unwarrantable reflexions were cast of all former times. Her advocates here, upon the practice of this country, with re- would defend her, upon a supposed degard to toleration. I have always thought parture from those principles, which they myself happy in having been born in a state not to be disclaimed indeed, but to kingdom, wherein the principles of wise be grown obsolete, and impossible to be and liberal policy allowing every man to recalled into activity: but she rejects all worship God, according to the dictates of such defence; she maintains that whatever his own heart, are as fully understood, has been once laid down is unchanged, and and as extensively practised, as within unchangeable. If her rules of action be any state, professing a form of religion, the same as in the darker ages, is it reasonestablished by law. Our best writers able to suppose that her conduct would upon the constitution, and our greatest be different, if she were invested with the philosophers, have flattered themselves, same power? The right hon. gentleman and us, that we are pre-eminent in the has laid it down as a maxim, that all enjoyment of religious, no less than of churches are naturally intolerant; and civil liberty; but it is reserved for the that it is for the wisdom and justice of honourable mover to convict them of those who are in civil authority, to cor error, to dissipate this pleasing illusion, rect and counteract this narrow and illiand to demonstrate that, in England, tole- beral tendency. In what manner the ration is utterly incomplete, and imper- head of the church of Rome has asserted fect, and that we must have recourse to the old pretensions, belonging to that see, foreign states, in communion with the see against the civil authority of an empire, of Rome, for its true and genuine essence. no less powerful than that of France under The right hon. gentleman particularly in- its present ruler, I am prepared to show stanced France and Hungary; and, with from authentic documents, begging the regard to the latter, he read an edict, House to judge, after hearing them, whewhich undoubtedly carries, in the terms ther they can perceive any thing, in the of it, the fullest and most ample allow-modern language of the sovereign pontiff, ance of all modes of worship, together with an indiscriminate admission to all places of honor and trust. Such conduct is highly creditable to the state which adopts it, but there may exist checks against its abuse, or excess, in a dependent province of the Austrian dominion, which are inapplicable to an integral part

of the British.

more tolerant than that, which was used in older times; any approximation towards union and intercourse, between Roman Catholics and heretics; or one single expression, which breathes the spirit of concession, liberality, or conciliation.

The passages, which I am about to read, are extracted from an account of what passed at Rome, upon the occupation of that patrimony of St. Peter, and the person of his holiness, by the French (printed for Keating and Co. December, 1812.) The first of them bears date in February 1808, and contains a remonstrance of the Pope, against an ordinance or code of Buonaparté, which he appears to have circulated as a part of the Concordatum, pretending that it was equally authorized by the Holy Father. The words of the Pope are," A claim is set up for the freedom of every sort of worship, with the

With regard to France, the real state of this matter may deserve fuller consideration. Not only the practice or opinions of those who govern in Catholic king. doms, must be looked to, but the doctrines, councils, and canons of the church, to which they profess spiritual obedience. If it should be objected that it is an unfair mode of trying this question to cite, against the church of Rome, every scrap which breathes intolerance and persecution, from the councils of Lateran, or Constance, or Trent; to call into sight anti-public.exercise thereof: which, as being quated canons and bulis, and to charge upon the modern professors of that religion, all the violence and intemperance of their predecessors, we must ask who is to blame for this? The church of Rome not only does not renounce any tenet

contrary to the canons, to the councils, and to the Catholic religion, we have rejected. A reformation of bishoprics is called for, and the independence of the bishops upon us, which being contrary to the intention of our legislator Jesus Christ,

we protest that we will maintain, for ourselves and our successors, the plenitude of our supremacy. The articles relating to marriage and divorce, in the French code, are contrary to the laws of the church and the gospel. Out of the Catholic religion there is no hope of salvation."

Again" The French system of indifference or equality, with regard to all religions, is utterly opposite to the Catholic; which being the only one of divine institution, cannot form any alliance with any other, any more than Christ can league with Belial.-It is false, that the Concordat has recognized and established the independence of the church of France; or that it has given a sanction to the toleration of other modes of worship."

Ireland? Or is Ireland the country in the whole world, where the sentiments of bishops, ecclesiastics, and confessors have no influence upon their flocks? The right hon. gentleman asks why should the Roman Catholic church hate the Protestant ? We answer that it must necessarily hate it: Pius 7 identifies the church of Rome with Christ himself, and pronounces that Christ can hold no fellowship with Belial.

These observations, though by no means irrelevant to the matter in debate, are drawn from me, by the preliminary topics, on which the right hon. mover has expa tiated; and are not the points upon which I intend to rest the propriety or justification of the vote which I am about to give.

Three distinct objects were specified, in the Resolution adopted by the House, on the 22d of June, to which I am not less friendly now, than I was then, nor do I indeed conceive that any reasonable man, of whatever persuasion in religion, or of whatever inclination in respect of party, can be adverse to them. The question was then, and is now, whether these ends are likely to be attained, by the means

Another passage or two may be not unworthy of attention. The Pope is spoken of as the lawful sovereign (as he certainly is) of a bishop, within his temporal dominion; but it is added, that " he is also vicar of that God, from whom sovereign power is derived, and who is the King of all kings." The holy see has never granted to bishops, at least in Europe, the power of granting dispensations for mar-which are recommended: they were anriages between Catholics and Heretics.".

There are other parts of this curious publication, and particularly some with regard to oaths, which are not unworthy of notice; but I pass over them, desiring to call the serious attention of the House to those, which I have selected, and to warn all those who hear me, against the specious veil which is endeavoured, in debates, and writings, to be thrown over the deformities of that church: her antipathy to all other churches, is not mitigated by time, nor subdued by reason: there appears not the smallest relaxation, with regard to the intermarriage of Roman Catholics with Protestants, one of the most natural and obvious modes of softening and allaying the asperities of hostile sects, and of bringing them to consider each other with good will and Christian charity, instead of maintaining principles of eternal separation and hostility. What must we deem to be the spirit of the Papal power, when, imprisoned within the walls of the Quirinal palace, stript of all temporal dominion, and surrounded by a French guard, it could utter its remonstrances in such terms, against the subverter of thrones and empires? Can it be credited that opinions, so solemnly pronounced, will not have weight with the Roman Catholic prelates and clergy of (VOL. XXIV.)

nexed, as conditions, to our considering the laws, affecting the Roman Catholics, and, when the conditions fail, the proceeding, which was to be founded upon them, must fall to the ground, of course. The observations with which I accompanied my vote, showed me not to have been sanguine in hoping that the effect of that decision would be to moderate and conciliate the ardent minds of those, who had gained the ascendant in the Roman Catholic assemblies: nor in believing that a separation would be produced, between those of that communion, who really desired a revision of the laws for the purpose of amicable adjustment, and those, if any such there were, who, under the cloak of emancipation, harboured views unfriendly to the connexion between the two parts of the united kingdom: but other members were much more confident than myself, and ventured to predict that this desirable state of things could not fail to follow the carrying of that Resolution.

There is another of the three objects, upon which the right hon. mover of that Resolution (Mr. Canning) and others felt no anxiety, while I, not only felt, but expressed very serious apprehensions; I mean the temper and general disposition of the Church of England and its mem-" bers, with regard to the claims of the Ro(3 E)

man Catholics. I believed, and stated it not to be apathy nor indifference, which rendered them quiescent, and apparently inert; but that it proceeded from a confidence in the wisdom of this House, and a firm reliance upon the same steady system being pursued, which had guided our counsels since Mr. Perceval came into administration. I said that the interval of time would prove whether my predictions or those of others were deserving of credit; and therefore that the period which must intervene between the passing of the Resolution and the next meeting of parliament, was a fortunate circumstance, because it would ascertain whether the satisfaction and concord of all his Majesty's Protestant subjects was, or was not, likely to follow the repeal of the disqualifying statutes. I am glad, for myself, that I, at the time, so studiously restricted the meaning and intention of the vote which I gave, in the month of June; but I really trust that the vote of no other member, who concurred with the majority, could be understood, in fairness and common sense, as pledging him to the furtherance of any objects, besides those upon which that Resolution was founded; still less could my own vote be considered as obligatory upon myself, to pursue a course, directly contrary to those conditions and stipulations, under which it was expressly given. I have frequently concurred with majorities of the House in resisting motions for going, generally, into a committee upon the Roman Catholic Petitions; I should have done the same, upon a similar motion, in June last; but I thought myself safe in agreeing to consider them, whenever that consideration might tend to the peace and strength of the united kingdom, the stability of the Protestant establishment, and the satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects and, if the right hon. mover demonstrates, to my conviction, that these consequences, or even any one of them, would follow from carrying his question, my vote would, on the present night, be given much more cheerfully in concurrence with, than in contradiction to him. I perfectly recollect the inauspicious circumstances, under which the motion of the last session was brought for ward by my right hon. friend who sits opposite to me; that a set of the most inflammatory and intemperate Resolutions, agreed to by a general meeting of the Roman Catholics, with lord Fingal in

| the, chair, on the 18th of June, 1812, reached London, only on the morning of that debate, and that my right hon. friend (Mr. Canning) with the dexterity and ability of a great orator, employed no small portion of his art, not only in averting this dangerous weight from bearing down his cause, but even in converting it into an argument, to make it triumphant.* If I had taken any fallacious view, or received any false impression upon that occasion, if the eloquence and power of my right hon. friend's speech had fascinated, and, for a moment, misled my judgment, I should not be ashamed to avow my error, with sincerity and frankness; nor to state, honestly and directly, that a deliberate review of the whole matter, now compelled me to trace back my steps, and to pursue a different course: but I have no such avowal to make, no such error to confess, no such account to settle, with the promoters of the Resolution. Those who did me the honour of attending to, and remembering, what I said on the 22d of June, will recal to their minds that, in addition to the topics already mentioned, and the stress which I laid upon every one of the three enumerated conditions, I said, that the temper and feeling of the members of the established church, in both countries, would be tried by carrying the question; that it was fortunate so long an interval of time would be allowed, before any ulterior step could be taken, and that it would be put to the test, whether the apparent neutrality of the Protestants proceeded from unconcern, or whether it was the effect of a firm persuasion that the claims of the Roman Catholics would be resisted by a majority of their representatives. It was argued, at that time, by my right hon. friend, that, so long as parliament should turn a deaf ear to the complaints of the Roman Catholics, so long as the House should refuse to enquire into, or listen to their grievances, it might naturally be expected that they would feel disappointed and irritated, and, like persons goaded and oppressed, they would burst out inro expressions of anger and violence. Hold out to them a fair prospect, it was said, of conciliation and concession, and their violence will cease; reason will regain her just ascendancy. and all will be harmony and concord. Now in what manner is this prophecy fulfilled? Was any gratitude shewn, or any

* See vol. 23, P. 633.

« ForrigeFortsett »