ceptible of greater improvement by irrigation than the province of Delhi; and it is probable an immense extent of moving sand, at present not merely unproductive, but threatening to overwhelm the adjacent lands, might a gain be brought under cultivation. In remote times, several rivers traversed the north western quarter, which have long ceased to flow, and one of them, now lost, the Sereswati, was of such magnitude as to mark a geographical division in the books of Hindoo mythological history. At a very moderate expense, and without much labour, the rivers which have been absorbed and choked up, might be again led into their former channels, and much valuable moisture, which now Hows undisturbed to the sea, through the Satuleje and Jamna, might be arrested in its progress, and made subservient to the purposes of husbandry. Four years ago, an intelligent engineer officer was deputed to survey and take the levels of the extinct canals and rivers; but his services being called for in the Nepaul war, he was withdrawn from the investigation, which does not appear to have been since resumed. As in Egypt, the surface of the country, subject to alluvion, has probably risen, by successive deposits, and the channels of the rivers in proportion sunk, but as they all issue from lofty mountains, a high level may always be found; and it is to be apprehended, that the fertility of Egypt will never be restored until canals are drawn from above the cataracts of the Nile, where the elevation is sufficient to admit of their irrigating an immense extent of what is at present a sandy desert.

No regular census of the inhabitants of Delhi has ever been taken, and any attempt at an actual enumeration would be viewed with jealousy and distrust by a people naturally averse to innovation, or to any new arrangement which tends to bring them more under observation, or seems likely to impose on them either additional duties or expense. From a concurrence of circumstances, there is reason to believe, that the total number is somewhere between 150,000 and 200,000 souls; and low as this estimate is for so great a capital, the a

mount more than doubles that of Agra, its former rival, the population of which is not now supposed to exceed 60,000.

Having proceeded thus far with the description of the city, which, like Rome, and some other ancient capitals, still promises to linger on for centuries, we may now resume the history of its sovereign. Ever since the conquest of Delhi, no task has been found more difficult, or has employed more of the time and exertions of the different residents at this court, than to impress the Emperor's mind with a due sense of the relative situation in which he stands towards the British nation; for although destitute both of energy of character, and vigour of mind, he is easily led by the flattery of those about him, to entertain erroneous notions of his own importance, and is in consequence much disposed to increase his influence by a system of importunate solicitation and petty encroachment. And certainly an impression is still prevalent all over India, that the power which has possession of Delhi, and the king's person, is the virtual ruler of Hindostan; and under this idea many independent `states have repeatedly applied to be received as subjects and tributaries, and complained of the refusal as a direliction of duty on the part of the British government. Applications of this nature have been pressingly urged by the Rajas of Joudpoor, Jeypoor, Bicanere, Jesselmere, Assam, Cachar, and Aracan, the Nabobs of Mooltan and Behawulpoor, and by the innumerable petty states exposed to the_rapine of Sindia, Holcar, and other Maharatta depredators; and so far from an insatiable desire having been shown to extend the British limits, the difficulty has been, for the last ten years, to resist the importunities of the surrounding states. Of this fact, our limits will not permit us to multiply examples; we shall therefore make one suffice, that of the Raja of Jessel

mere.

Llishment.

individually and as a nation. He was encouraged to proceed, and his confidence being restored, he adverted to his political situation, representing, that many chiefs had by violence obtained fragments of the Mogul empire, which they ruled with an iron hand, while he and his ancestors had remained at rest from the remotest antiquity within their own domains; but even these were now endangered, as such encroachments were daily making on his hereditary possessions as threatened utterly to annihilate his principality. He therefore appealed to the British, as sovereigns of Hindostan, to whose protection he was entitled, and entreated them to save for him his small residue of country, which its natural barrenness and seclusion could not preserve from molestation. To this petition a conciliating answer was sent, with some presents; but the Raja was informed, that the principles which regulated the conduct of the British government precluded all extension of territory, unless they were compelled to it in their own defence; and that therefore all interference with his political concerns must be declined; but that he would experience every office of friendship due to a friendly neighbour, and the utmost hospitality during his contemplated pilgrimage.

Although the Delhi sovereign had been deprived of all real power and dominion, before political events made him connected with the British government, almost every state, and every class of people in India, still continues to reverence his nominal authority. The current coin of every established power is still struck in his name, and princes of the highest rank still bear the titles, and display the insignia which they or their ancestors derived from this source, and the Delhi Emperor, amidst all his vicissitudes, is still considered the only legitimate fountain of similar honours. In conformity with this notion, it is still usual, when a Hindoo prince succeeds to his deceased father, to solicit the Mogul to honour him with a teeka, as a mark of investiture, or at least, of royal approbation, which ceremony consists in having the forehead anointed with a preparation of bruised sandal wood. Although this inunction had long ceased to be a necessary token of confirmation of the

successor's right, it was still considered as so gratifying a mark of distinction, that, in 1807, Maun Singh, the powerful Raja of Joudpoor, petitioned the British government with much anxiety, to interfere with the king to obtain it for him. The British government, however, refused to interfere, the right of conferring the mark of distinction in question being considered an obsolete act of sovereignty, the revival of which would be particularly objectionable.-It was feared, moreover, that their interference would be considered as a recognition of the pretensions of Raja Maun Singh, then disputed by a competitor, and as a departure from the neutrality which had always been observed. The Raja was accordingly apprized of this determination; the inutility of the act, as a mark of confirmation, was represented to him, as well as the folly of making an unmeaning reference of the validity of his title to a power which neither claimed nor exercised a right to grant or to withhold it.

The universality of this impression throughout Hindostan may be farther inferred from the conduct of the Tambaretty, or Princess of Travancore, a Hindoo state, situated near Cape Cormorin, the southern extremity of Hindostan, and at no period of its history subject to the Mogul, or to any Mahommedan superior; yet, in 1813, she applied to have a dress of investiture for her son, the infant Raja, although he was under the special guardianship of the British government, to which he was indebted for the tranquillity of his accession. The result of her application was the same as the one above mentioned, but she could not be convinced that the ceremonial was wholly superfluous. Under existing circumstances, his Majesty's assumption of legitimate authority is altogether incompatible with the situation in which he is placed; his granting dresses of investiture was accordingly prohibited, both as impolitic, and as adding nothing to the validity of the succession. The same objection did not apply to the granting of titles, which have been admitted through the agency of the British government, in favour of the Nizam, and of the Nabobs of the Carnatic and Bengal.

These and similar applications, the king, being a man of weak intellec's

and quite infatuated with his own importance. is much disposed to encourage, because they at once gratify his visions of departed dignity, and promise to prove a source of emolument to his servants, and the horde of intriguers by which he is surrounded. The exercise of such authority, however, is completely at variance with the scheme of British policy, the fundamental maxim of which is, that the British government shall not derive, from the charge of protecting and supporting his Majesty, the privilege of employing the royal prerogative as an instrument for establishing any control or ascendency over the chiefs or states of India, or of asserting, on the part of his Majesty, any of the claims which, in his capacity of Emperor of Hindostan, that prince may himself to possess upon the provinces formerly composing the Mogul Empire. The British power in India is of too substantial a nature to incur the hazard of resorting to the dangerous expedient of borrowing any portion of authority from the lustre of the Mogul name; it could not therefore per

consider

mit his interference to withdraw the inhabitants from their obedience to their actual superiors, or that he should attempt to convert his nominal into any thing like a real supremacy. From the Emperor nothing was derived by the British government in return for the rescue of himself and his family from a state of penury and degradation, and his support in comparative comfort and affluence under its protection; he is only required to continue to live peaceably, and to abandon all dreams of ancient grandeur.*

As may be supposed from the prior narrative, the British resident at Delhi is the efficient prime minister to the Emperor, on which account the Bengal government always selects for that office men of established reputation and conciliatory manners. At an early stage of the conquest, Colonel, now General Sir David Ochterlony, Bart. and K. C. B. officiated; he was succeeded by Archibald Seton, Esq. afterwards promoted to the Supreme Council, on which event C. T. Metcalfe, Esq. was appointed, having for his assistants the Honourable E. Gardner, at present ambassador at Catmandoo, the capital of Nepaul, and Mr Fraser, from whose intended journey to the sources of the Sutuleje and Jumna rivers, much valuable information may be expected.

LETTER CONCERNING HAYTI.

H. M. S

Port Royal, Sept. 1, 1818.

MY DEAR SIR,

I PROMISED you, if I could give you any information from Hayti, I would I am just returned from send it. paying the King a visit at Cape Henry. I send you, by Lieut. Bunce of the marines, in the Pique, all the Haytian publications; and I am sure you will be pleased to hear that the Baron Vastey is compiling a very full history of King Henry, from his earliest days, with a large appendix of Mr original letters and papers. Steevens wished to have the documents sent him to complete a history, but the king desired him to be told, that he wished one of his own subjects to have the credit of writing it, but that it should be sent him after publication, with whatever other documents he might wish. I told Baron Dupuey (who is every thing at the Cape, what you may call the king's factotum, he has), that I hoped they meant to and certainly far the ablest give a true and fair account of the king's early years, before he became a conspicuous character. He answered, that the king, when Baron Vastey and he were speaking about the history,

said, "

man

my desire is, that it may, in clear statement of facts, and that what regards my life, be a plain and those who knew me in early life, when they see those facts in the book, may vouch for their truth." If they really do this, it will not only be curious but valuable, for few more extraordinary characters have appeared— He has risen from a slave at St Kitts, where he was born, to be a steward in one of Count D'Estaing's fleet, and from that to uncontrolled power and riches, beyond what any individual almost ever possessed. When in good humour he calls himself an English

man.

To account for my kind and friendly reception at the Cape, it is necessary to say that since my former visit in 1814, the king has always remembered me.

Strong impressions have gone out

This Letter was addressed to a friend of the Editor, by a Naval Officer of high character.

all over the world against this man, of his tyranny, cruelty, avarice, and injustice, both to his own subjects, and those strangers who reside as merchants in his dominions-but always remember one thing in reading accounts of his atrocities, that there are three set of men whose interest it is to hold him up as a monster. The republicans, his neighbours, they have more justice on their side than the other two-the proprietors of slaves and advocates for slavery all over the world-and the merchants who trade with him; they do it, to keep others, by fear, away, that they may monopolise the trade. This was the first cause of our opening a correspondence, and that has had the desired effect in a great measure.

In 1814, I was sent by Admiral Brown to visit Cape Henry, for the purpose of ascertaining the true state of our commerce with Hayti; for there were strange reports in circulation, both to windward and at Jamaica. It was said that neither the persons nor the property of our merchants were safe; that on the most trivial occasions he threw them into prison, and seized and confiscated their propertyin short, such was the impression upon me, that I actually thought that my person was endangered by landing. However, I ventured, and once on shore, I remained all the time the ship lay there, and certainly was not a little astonished to find myself, after all, in the midst of a gentlemanlike wellinformed set of merchants. And the following report, which I gave Admiral Brown, will show you the state of that body of men:-" According to your orders, I first of all communicated privately with the principal merchants, and then with these in a body at a public meeting. Their answer was unanimous. (Some of them, at that time, had the experience of eight years). 'We conceive our persons and property under the protection of the king to be as safe as at Kingston, unless the French land an expedition, and then he has given us notice that all property, public and private, will be burnt with the city, but that he will give every protection to our persons, and we have the most perfect confidence in his promises." And they added, we hope the Admiral will send a man of war frequently to pay us a visit; it gives us consequence

here.'" Such, in 1814, were the sentiments I found the merchants impressed with, and such they are at this moment; nor could I hear of one act of injustice that could fairly be attributed to the king. He is sharp in his dealings, and in making them fulfil their contracts. But it is almost need

less to mention how far a merchant adventurer will go for gain, and how necessary it is to watch them. They have now nearly given up attempting to take him in by outward show. He has too good judges about him; and being a good one himself, and when they least expect it, seeing every thing, it would be a bad job for them to bring bad goods. I was asked by one of the principal merchants in Kingston, who had lost a good deal by the trade with Cape Henry, and who, of course, attributed that loss to the king, will you tell me of one man, Capt. who has made money by trading there? I answered, will you tell me, Mr Pavishaw, of one merchant that ever made money by sending his goods to a market where double its consumption is thrown in annually, and from which there is no other outlet, except by reshipping your goods back to England?

In the following remarks, I intend just to write you what I have seen myself or heard from the best authority. It would be presumption in me to venture to give the character of this most extraordinary man, so you must draw your own conclusions from the facts.

He

The king is in his person what in England you would call a fine portly looking man, about 5 feet 10 inches. He is now growing stout, and on horseback, where he certainly looks the best, has much the appearance of old George. His dress, except on state days, is very like the Windsor uniform, without lace or star. is quite black, with a manner and countenance, when in good humour (and I have never seen him in any other), very intelligent, pleasant and expressive-his features are much that of his countrymen-his nose rather long, but flat at the nostrils-his lips are not thick-his eyes, except when in a rage, rather small, but quickhis forehead, which gives so much character to his countenance, highwhen I saw him last, his hair was gray, and until he remarked it to

himself (for I thought he wore powder), I did not observe that it is now grown quite white. I am told by those who have seen him in one of his gusts of passion, that it can only be compared to a hurricane for its fury; but fortunately the fit now comes very seldom, and does not last long. A friend, who has seen a great deal of him, told me he one day saw him in one -his form absolutely dilated, his countenance changed, and his eyes became enlarged and rolled in his head. He looked like a demon-it was over in five minutes, expending itself in words, and he was then as quiet as a child. None but the queen dare go near him in those paroxysms.

Since my last visit, he has entered into a close and intimate alliance with Mr Wilberforce and his party. His three great advisers for the improvement of his subjects are Messrs Wilberforce, Steevens, and Clarkson. He has many others, amongst whom is Sir John Sinclair.

His avowed intention is a religious, moral, and political change. How far he is sincere, and how far he possesses talents capable of bringing about so great a change, time will best show. He appears to me a man possessing strong powers of mind, attended with strong passions. He is wholly without education, and even now can read very badly, and can only write enough to sign his name. But to make up for that, he has been brought up in the school of danger, difficulties, and intrigue, where his deep policy and knowledge of human character have shone as conspicuously as his courage and talent as a soldier.

It is his mind, and his alone, that governs all; he has the ablest men of his kingdom employed about his person, but they are mere executors of his will. One proof of his being neither a very changeable or cruel man, is, that almost all the great officers of the palace, who were there four years ago, are there now; and they bear, generally speaking, the characters of good and just men. And if he is in himself cruel to his subjects, he takes care to punish with the greatest severity that crime in others.

There is one striking part of his character, he never forgives a fault. He even sent his own son, the prince royal, a prisoner to the citadel, to show he paid no regard to high rank, But

before you judge too severely of him for this, think who he has to governa set of slaves, brought up without any principle of either religion or morality, and who have, in the sanguinary and dreadful contest for liberty, been accustomed, by the example of their enemies, to all sorts of butcherous and dreadful crimes. And well did their cruel and faithless masters, generally speaking, deserve their fateTill this spirit, by time, &c. dies away, I think he is the only man who can govern them, to do them real and lasting good.

The gentleman before mentioned, who has certainly had the best opportunity of seeing him in private life, says he is a most affectionate father of a family, and that his children in his presence are under no fear or restraint. He has in his palace several little children, the orphans of old officers of his

they are always running about the room, when he has no business, and feeling his pockets for bon-bons.

When Dr Burt was bleeding the princess royal, he came into the room and took the bason, and when Dr Burt wished to relieve him from it, he said, remember I am a father. There are many other little traits of a good and an affectionate heart in domestic life. I only give those trifling anecdotes to show you that the man is not a devil in a human shape. He is very much attached to the Queen, who, by what every person says of her, deserves it. She is said to be of a most amiable character, and her charities are most extensive-she is plain in her manners, and quite jet black. Her two daughters, as the lady told me that attended them as preceptress for a year (an American lady), are very accomplished, speaking English well in their manners particularly engaging and affable to all about them they are 16 and 18.

When I left Port Royal this last time, I was told by a Captain of a man of war, that the strangers were confined to within the Barriers, except on Sun, day, and then they were allowed to go out to dinner to a small place they had about 4 miles from town. What did I find?-that strangers were allowed to go out at all times as far as 18 miles without a passport; they were allowed to go out shooting; in short, that they did as they liked. They asked the king for permission to take a house