BOOK VII. that, moreover, his pretensions betrayed an extreme A. D. 1556. ignorance of their relative situations. Abul Maali's mortification was extreme. Akber, soon after, put his army in motion, and attempted to come up with Sultan Sekander, who, on hearing of his approach, retreated into his mountain recesses, and once more pitched his camp at Mánkót. Who expels Sekan der Shah. Account received of the death of Humayun. Humayun's plans for The army had reached Hariána in its advance, when it was overtaken by a messenger bringing Biram Khan information of an alarming accident that had befallen the Emperor, which rendered it inexpedient to move farther onward, or to commence active operations: and the march of the army was directed on Kilánúr, to await the result. As they approached that place, another express arrived bringing a despatch, said to be written by orders of the Emperor himself immediately after his accident, and giving good hopes of his speedy recovery. But a third followed close after, with the authentic accounts of his death. From the time when Humáyun arrived in Delhi, he devoted himself to a general superintendence of the ment of the affairs of his kingdom, and to watching the progress of the armies which he had sent in various directions to the govern empire. reduce different provinces. He saw clearly that there were great defects in the system of government of the empire, and set himself to devising means of improving it. The plan which he projected was to separate the empire into several great divisions, each of them to have a local capital, and a board of administration for directing local affairs. Delhi, Agra, Kanáuj, Juánpúr, Mándu, and Láhúr were among the capitals pitched upon. To each of them was to be assigned a considerable military force, under an able general, so as to render it independent of assistance from the others; while the Emperor was to give unity to the whole, by visiting them in turn with an army of about twelve thousand horse, which were to be under his own imme diate command, and at all times ready to move in any direction. This plan, however, he never had time, had he even possessed sufficient steadiness, to carry into execution. of his death. Having in some degree arranged affairs at Delhi, he Particulars was about to proceed to Agra; had conferred the government of Delhi on Terdi Beg, in public derbár; and had even sent forward his péshkhána*, or advanced set of tents, preparatory to his setting out. On Friday the 20th of January, 1556, in the evening, some of his old officers who had just returned from the pilgrimage of Mekka, as well as some who had come from Gujrát, were introduced to him, and he inquired with much interest into the news which they brought. He also received despatches from Monaim Khan in Kábul, with accounts of his family and harem that were still in that quarter. At the close of the day he went up to the terrace-roof of his library, in his palace in the Dínpanáh fort of Delhi, attended by such persons as happened to be with him, and presented himself as usual to the crowds assembled round the Grand Mosque close by, who made the customary obeisance or salutation : after which he went on with the inquiries in which he had been engaged. When it began to grow dark, he sent for some of his astronomers to observe the rising of Venus, it being his intention to hold a grand public audience, and to promote several of his Amírs, exactly at the propitious moment of the rising of that planet. As he was about to descend, and had reached the second step of the stairs, he heard the moizzin, or cryer from the minaret of the mosque, summoning the In India, persons travelling at their ease have two sets of tents, one of which is sent in advance and pitched, so as to be ready for the traveller on his arrival on the ground; the tents which he quits being immediately packed up, and BOOKVIL faithful to evening prayer, and was preparing to sit down, out of respect, till the call was over, when his foot became entangled in the skirt of his mantle *, and the marble steps being smooth and slippery, his staff s so that he lost his footing, was precipitated forward, and lighted on his head on the ground below. He was taken up insensible, was found to have received many bruises on his body, but in particular a violent contusion on the right temple, and a quantity of blood was observed to have oczed from his right ear. According to some accounts, he for a time recovered his speech. He lingered four days, being the greater part, or the whole of the time, in a state of insensibility, RL11. and expired on the evening of the 24th of January, in the forty-eighth year of his age, after a reign of rather more than twenty-five years.‡ The heir apparent being at a distance, the great Amirs who possessed the chief influence very much dispersed, and the army still surrounded by formidable enemies, it was resolved by the nobles who were on the spot, to conceal this event till the suitable arrangements could be made. Expresses were immediately despatched to inform Akber of his father's death, and to call a meeting of the principal officers. The more effectually to lull suspicion, one Múlla Bekasi was dressed up in the imperial vestments, and presented to the public at the usual times, in an open gallery of the palace on the side next the river, which had been the late Emperor's Pustin. + The stairs" we are told by Mr. Elphinstone History of India, vol. ii. p. 175.), in such situations are narrow steps on the outside of the building, and only guarded by an erramental parapet about a foot high.”—“ so that the King fell headlong over the parapet." Abulfazl. Jouher, and Ferishta make his death happen on the 11th Rebi I.: the Tabakát-e Akberi, followed by the Tarikh-e Bedáuni, on the 15th. Abulfazl (f. 98.) says that the Emperor, after his accident, sent a letter to Akber by Nazir Sheikh Joli to inform him that he was doing well: but this was probably a mere official intimation, issued for political purposes by those about his person. Feb. 10. favourite seat, and where he was accustomed to receive the salutations of his subjects, who assembled in crowds below. For seventeen days the truth was unknown in Delhi. At last, on the tenth day of February, Terdi Rebi I. 28. Beg, who officiated on the occasion as Amír-al-omra, a dignity to which he aspired, throwing off the mask, and attended by all the Amírs of the surrounding districts who had repaired to head-quarters, proceeded to the Grand Mosque, and caused the prayer for the Emperor to be recited in the name of Akber. Alarm ex cited by this event. The announcement of the Emperor's death, circumstanced as affairs then were, produced great alarm and excitement all over the country, which the nobles, assembled at Delhi, used every means in their power to allay. When the rites and ceremonies attending the sepulture and mourning for the Emperor were over, the leading Amírs hastened, each to his own government, to watch over the current of events, and to confirm the minds both of their own followers and of the natives of the country in their adherence to the new government. Terdi Beg Khan, as the most eminent of the ancient nobility and governor of Delhi, by a kind of election or recognition of the Amírs who were on the spot, assumed the general direction of affairs. One of his first acts was to send the insignia of empire with the crown jewels to the young Emperor, accompanied by the officers of the household, the imperial guards, and Mírza Abul-Kásím, the son of the late Kámrán Mírza, whose close alliance to the throne now made him an object of jealousy. The crisis was one of the Danger of deepest importance, for at that moment the conquest the crisis. of India could be considered as only begun: and three formidable rivals contended with the youthful Akber for the throne of Delhi.* . Akbernáma, ff. 98, 99.; Tar. Nizámi, ff. 205, 206.; Jouher, c. 33.; Ferishta, vol. ii. pp. 177, VOL. II. 178.; Tar. Bedáuni, ff. 189-192.; M M Humayun. BOOK VII. The real character of Humáyun may be better A. D. 1556. gleaned from the events of his reign than from the representations of his historians, whose judgment was Character of influenced, not only by that reverence with which Orientals regard the sovereign authority, but by a natural respect for the princes, his descendants, under whom they wrote. He was a man of great quickness of parts, but volatile, thoughtless and unsteady. Personally of distinguished bravery, he was occasionally successful in war, without possessing the higher talents of a general. In the earlier part of his reign, seconded by the veteran officers and well-trained army which his father had left him, he overran, first, the kingdoms of Malwa and Gujrát, and next those of Behár and Bengal, very important and glorious acquisitions; but, destitute of those powers of combination which are as necessary for consolidating and retaining a conquest as bravery and a well-disciplined army are for making it, he was compelled to abandon them all; and the greater part of his reign presented a series of reverses, rebellions and anarchy, the fruit of his want of political firmness and determination. His disposition was naturally generous, friendly and affectionate; his manners polite, frank and winning. He had a ready wit, excelled in repartee, and, from the anecdotes recorded by his ewer-bearer and other writers, seems to have been considerate to his servants, and popular in his intercourse with the lower classes. But, though Haider Mírza, an excellent judge, speaks with much respect of his accomplishments, and of his talents and deportment as a prince, yet his generosity, guarded by no resolute sense of duty or steady feelings of self-respect, degenerated into prodigality, his attachments into weakness; and hence, down to the day of his death, he was the prey of flatterers and favourites. From his father he inherited a fondness for literature and the |